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THE materials for a history of King's College consist, in 
the first place, of the MS. records preserved in the 
College. Of these, the Account Books go back to the 
earliest times, and are nearly complete. The Protocollum 
Books cover the period since 1 500 and contain a record 
of the admission of all Scholars and Fellows, cases of disci- 
pline, diversions of the Fellows to exceptional courses of 
study, and decisions of the Visitor. The Congregation 
Books, which contain the votes passed by the Governing 
Body and the annual elections of officers, date from 1722. 
There is also, in the College Muniment Room, a collection 
of letters, of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 
written by Visitors, Provosts, and Fellows, which throw 
light on some episodes of College history. We possess 
also isolated accounts of various important occurrences in 
the College ; but these are unofficial, and the actual date 
of their composition is sometimes uncertain. Moreover, 
there are two catalogues of Provosts, Fellows, and Scholars. 
The one preserved in the College was drawn up by Antony 
Allen, admitted a Scholar of King's in 1704. He made 
use of two earlier lists one the work of Thomas Hatcher, 
Fellow, who died in 1584, and had carried his catalogue 
down to 1555 ; the other, a continuation to 1620, by John 
Scott, Coroner of the College. Allen was a Master in 
Chancery and enjoyed the friendship and patronage of 


Arthur Onslow, Speaker of the House of Commons. His 
catalogue is completed to the year 1751. Allen's portrait 
hangs in the Provost's Lodge and is that of a portly gentle- 
man, who looks well satisfied with himself and his fortunes. 
The other catalogue, preserved in the British Museum, is 
by William Cole. This is much fuller than Allen's ; but 
though Cole lived till 1782, his record of the members of 
the College closes in 1731. Cole was a friend of Horace 
Walpole, with whom he travelled in France, and had begun 
his antiquarian researches as a boy at Eton. He was at 
first an Undergraduate of Clare Hall, and then became a 
Fellow Commoner at King's ; he held several Livings in 
succession, but only resided at one of them, viz., Bletchley, 
and finally retired to Milton. He is buried under the 
steeple of St. Clement's Church, in Cambridge, for the 
erection of which he provided the funds, and where his 
name is preserved in the motto " Deum Cole." 

Of printed books the most important to the historian of 
King's College is the great work of Willis and Clark on the 
Architectural History of the University of Cambridge. 
Indeed, so far as the history of the College buildings is 
concerned, there is nothing left to be done but to make 
the best use of this mine of information, and to express 
admiration of the three volumes. Next to this, perhaps, 
should be placed Mr. Mullinger's history of the University, 
at present completed to the accession of Charles I. For 
the period which it covers it is invaluable. A third 
source of information is the new " National Dictionary 
of Biography ; " of this I have made great use, although it 
has not yet dealt with such prominent Kingsmen as 
Walsingham, Waller, Whichcote, and the Walpoles. It 
is hardly necessary to mention the books which the 
historian of every College must use e.g., Cooper's " Annals 
of Cambridge," Fuller's " History of the University," and 


Gunning's " Reminiscences." There are also some valuable 
articles in the publications of the Cambridge Antiquarian 
Society, especially those by Mr. G. Williams, Mr. Bradshaw, 
Mr. J. W. Clark, and Dr. M. R. James. The close con- 
nection between King's and Eton makes it natural not 
unfrequently to consult Mr. Maxwell Lyte's history of 
Eton College, a book to which it is always a pleasure to 
return. The works written by former Kingsmen, and 
their biographies, are, of course, numerous ; but I must 
mention Dr. Moule's " Life of Charles Simeon," and Mr. 
Lane Poole's "Life of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe," 
as being equally valuable records of two very different 
men, who must have known one another in College as 
Don and Undergraduate, and whose portraits now hang 
opposite to each other in the College Hall. 

But my acknowledgments are due to men as well as to 
books. Like every one else who writes about Cambridge, 
I have to thank our University Registrary, Mr. J. W. Clark, 
for much kind help. In particular he drew my attention 
to the younger G. G. Scott's " Essay on Church Archi- 
tecture," and also enabled me to use an unpublished 
memoir of the Thackeray family. Beside this, he has read 
through the earlier chapters of this book, and has made 
many valuable suggestions and corrections. If there is 
any one whose knowledge of the College can rival that of 
Mr. Clark it is Dr. M. R. James, our Senior Dean. He 
and my brother, Mr. W. Austen Leigh, Senior Fellow, 
have taken the trouble to read through the whole book, 
and have spared no pains to make it less incomplete and 
less inaccurate than it must otherwise have been. Some 
parts, too, have been revised by Mr. C. E. Grant, Senior 
Bursar, whose criticisms have been especially useful on 
questions connected with the College property. The 
oldest living Kingsman, Mr. Tucker, formerly Rector of 


Dunton-Waylett, has written a lively and graphic account 
of Old Court, 1822-1825, from which I have borrowed 
largely; and both to him and to Bishop Abraham and 
Mr. W. Green I am very grateful for allowing me to make 
use of their personal experiences and reminiscences. 
Other Kingsmen to whom I owe much are Mr. F, C. 
Hodgson, Professor Raleigh, and Mr. Mahaffy. The Vice- 
Provost of Eton, Mr. F. Warre Cornish, has furnished me 
with some valuable information from the documents con- 
tained in the Fellows' Library at Eton. Mr. Lionel Cust, 
Director of the National Portrait Gallery, has also sent me 
the facsimile of an interesting letter, which will be found 
in Appendix E., as it arrived too late for insertion in the 
text. To these names I must not omit to add one more 
that of our sub- Librarian, Mr. F. L. Clark, who has 
repeatedly called my attention to important records which 
I should otherwise have overlooked. Indeed, whatever 
the particular topic may be, he seldom fails to unearth 
some pamphlet or bundle of old letters which bears 
directly upon it. 

It was my hope to be able to describe the habits and 
manners of resident Kingsmen in bygone days : but the 
evidence for this is very scanty. If my readers think that 
I have told in too great detail the story of more than one 
College quarrel, my excuse must be that it is just from the 
accounts left us of such exceptional occurrences that we 
catch a glimpse of the life led by our predecessors. 
Without this a history of the College is in danger of 
becoming a mere chronicle of the buildings together with 
a string of biographies. Yet even the biographies are 
necessary if we are to form any true idea of what the 
College has contributed towards national progress, both in 
Church and State. There is a special interest attaching 
to the history of King's College, because it is the record of 


an almost unique experiment in education. Nowhere else, 
at least at Cambridge, were the scholars drawn wholly from 
a single school, and exempted from the ordeal necessary 
for obtaining a Degree. These anomalies are now univer- 
sally condemned. But, at a time when it was the custom 
for Scholarships and Fellowships to be restricted to parti- 
cular Schools or Counties, a Society which possessed the 
right of recruiting its members from so magnificent a 
foundation as that of Eton College had, after all, a toler- 
ably wide basis on which to build. It must be remembered, 
too, that there was a small but important class of Fellow 
Commoners w r ithin the College. The College ceased to 
receive them just at the time when George Thackeray 
became Provost, and perhaps owing to some order of his ; 
but there is no record of it. Probably it was felt that 
their presence encouraged idleness or extravagance among 
the Scholars ; yet the roll of distinguished Kingsmen 
would be much shorter if Fellow Commoners had not been 
welcomed for three hundred years. No Kingsman, as it 
seems to me, has any reason to be ashamed of the position 
which his College held in the University till the Restora- 
tion, or even till a later date. The Society, which was 
cooped up within Old Court, was a prominent one, at any 
rate in Elizabethan and Stuart times. Indeed, one is 
tempted to say that, as the buildings were enlarged, the 
influence of the College declined. Yet in every century 
we can show a fair list of great men ; not perhaps of the 
very greatest, whose genius seems to be independent of 
their surroundings ; but rather of that class who owe much 
to the training of School and College. 

If there were shortcomings in the College of former 
days, they were probably less due to the closeness of the 
tie with Eton than with the want of a closer connection 
with the University. I have tried to collect in an Appendix 


the evidence on the origin of the custom by which Fellows 
of King's were exempted from the University examination 
for a B.A. degree. It is disappointing to arrive at no 
definite conclusion. I can only hope that some future 
historian of the College may be more successful in finding 
fresh evidence, or more skilful in dealing with that which 
we now have. 









VII. SAMUEL COLLINS . ...... ( . . , . 94 


IX. DARK DAYS . . ." - . ... . . 122 



XII. GIBBS'S BUILDING . . % . . . . . l6o 









xx. NEW KING'S 282 





COLLEGE ' n 300 

D. NOTE TO p. I 75 . . ... . . . 301 


CHAPEL : WEST END . . . . . . Frontispiece 

OLD COURT - . . - X. . . . Facing page 6 





GIBBS'S BUILDING . . f ' . . , . . ,, 172 







r HENRY VI. was less than nineteen years of age when, in 
1 1440,* he began his foundation of a college at Cam- 
^ bridge. History is almost silent as to the influence 
which led him to take such a step. There was nothing 
in his mother's character to account for it, and the 
estrangement which followed on her marriage with 
Owen Tudor must have put an end to any power 
which she possessed over her son. His great-uncle, 
Cardinal Beaufort, was rather a statesman than an 
ecclesiastic ; and though we may believe that his pre- 
ceptor, the Earl of Warwick, earned out the orders of 
the Council by teaching the King to "love, worship, 
and dread God," had "drawn him to virtue by ways 
convenable," and taught him "literature, language, 
and other means of cunning," yet Warwick had left the 
King to become Regent of France three years before. 

* The site of the Old Court was conveyed by Commissioners to 
the King on January 22, 1441, and granted to the College by Henry 
on February 12. According to the old way of reckoning the year 
began on March 25, and these dates would belong to the year 1440. 
Moreover, some parts of the site had been acquired by the Commis- 
sioners in the preceding autumn. The year 1440 may therefore be 
considered as the date of the original foundation. Throughout this 
book the years will be reckoned as beginning on January i. 



It was, indeed, traditional in Henry's family to be 
orthodox and devout. His father had waged war with 
Lollards as well as with French, and was meditating a 
fresh crusade at the time of his death; but we 
naturally look for some one, who may have prompted 
the young prince in his educational designs, as Bishop 
Fisher afterwards encouraged the Lady Margaret to 
found colleges and professorships. And it appears 
from a list of Benefactors contained in the earliest 
College Register that the members of the Society 
recognised such a person in John Langton, Master of 
Pembroke and Chancellor of the University. He it 
was who was entitled to their gratitude for the services 
which he had rendered both in the foundation and in 
the endowment of the College : " fundari procuravit et 
possessionibus . . . quam plurimis . . . dotari labor- 
avit." It is not unlikely that William of Alnwick, 
Bishop of Lincoln, also encouraged the young King's 
project, for he had acted as Henry's tutor, and he 
could not but take a special interest in the school 
founded in his own diocese. Nor would that interest 
be confined to Eton, when the connexion between the 
College at Cambridge and the school on the Thames 
was established in 1443. Whoever may have prompted 
him, Henry's original aim, as he himself tells us, was 
to extirpate heresies, to increase the number of the 
clergy, and to provide ministers of religion whose life 
and doctrine would give light to his subjects. 

The young King had no difficulty in finding the 
necessary ways and means. The Alien Priories, the 
rents of which were transmitted to the Abbey of Bee 
in Normandy or to other Foundations in France, had 


narrowly escaped suppression in the reign of Henry IV.; 
and in 1414 the estates of one hundred and twenty-two 
such priories were confiscated, those only escaping 
which had renounced foreign allegiance and elected 
i their own Head. The rents of the confiscated priories 
were henceforth paid into the royal exchequer. Before 
the year 1440 it had become clear that our rule in 
France was at an end, and it was undesirable that 
English money should continue to support foreign 
Foundations. To a man of Henry's devout character 
it might well seem a duty that the funds, which had 
been intercepted on patriotic grounds, should be used 
for some religious purpose at home. 

Henry had already granted to the University of 
Cambridge the manors of Ruislip in Middlesex and 
Okebourne in Wiltshire, in order that the University 
Chaplains might pray daily for his good estate during 
life and for his soul after death. These manors were 
now made over to his new College, and within a few 
years many others were added, about half of which still 
remain in the possession of the College and form the 
bulk of its landed estates. These are scattered over no 
less than eleven counties, chiefly in Southern England ; 
and at one time the College owned land as far off as 
St. Michael's Mount in Cornwall. Its western border 
does not now extend beyond Sampford Courtenay in 
Devonshire, a property acquired in Queen Elizabeth's 
reign by exchange for Withyham in Sussex, which then 
passed into the hands of Lord Buckhurst. 

The College, which the King founded in 1440-41, was 
to consist of a Rector and twelve Scholars, and to bear 
the name of St. Nicholas, on whose day (December 6) 


Henry had been born. The choice of a site was 
entrusted to three Commissioners, of whom one was 
John Langton, while the Bishop of Lincoln took part 
in framing the Statutes of the new Foundation. The 
old buildings of Clare Hall at that time abutted on the 
west side of Milne Street. The south end of this street 
is now known as Queen's Lane, but in the fifteenth 
century it was continued northwards till it reached 
Michael House, the buildings of which then occupied 
the south-west corner of what is now the great court 
of Trinity College. Opposite to Clare Hall, and to the 
east of Milne Street, but at a distance of about ninety 
feet, stood the new University Schools of Theology and 
Canon Law. Between these buildings and the street 
there was a garden belonging to Trinity Hall, and the 
acquisition of this ground furnished ample space for such 
a College as the King then contemplated. 

On Passion Sunday i.e., the fifth Sunday in Lent 
April 2, 1441, Henry laid the first stone of his new 
College, and granted the use of materials from the old 
Castle at Cambridge. The eastern side of the Quad- 
rangle being already occupied by the University Schools, 
the College consisted of three wings, of which the 
northern was considerably the longest and overlapped 
the University Schools. A Chapel of modest dimen- 
sions rose outside the Quadrangle on the south, and 
stood there for nearly a hundred years. Dr. Caius calls 
it a " mean and inconvenient building " ; but it seems 
to have been of stone ; it consisted of a chancel, nave, 
and ante-chapel ; it had a western door, and east and 
west windows, stalls in the choir, a rood-lofb, altars of 
St. Mary and St. Nicholas, and both large and small 


organs. It was richly fitted up, and ample provision 
was made for the due performances of the church ser- 
vices. The Scholars of some earlier Foundations had 
attended one or other of the parish churches ; but such 
an arrangement would not satisfy Henry, although he 
had not yet conceived the plan of the stately edifice 
which within a few years was destined to rise still 
farther to the south. 

A beginning was made by the appointment of William 
V Millington as Rector and two Scholars, John Kyrkeby 
jand William Hatclyffe. But within three years the 
\ King had enlarged his design. Apparently his atten- 
/ tion had been drawn to William of Wykeham's two 
colleges at Wi??rhfts ter and Oxford. At any rate, now, 
in 1443, he takes them for his model, and connects his 
Cambridge College with the one already founded at 
Eton. The Scholars of the latter, when sufficiently 
imbued with the rudiments of grammar, are to be 
transferred to the twin College at Cambridge, now 
styled the College of St. Mary and St. Nicholas, there 
to be more perfectly instructed in the liberal arts and 
sciences. In its new form the College is to consist of 
a Provost, seventy Fellows or Scholars, together with a 
body of Chaplains, Lay Clerks, and Choristers ; and 
William Millington exchanges his title of Rector for 
that of Provost. At the same time the King nomi- 
nates six other " original Fellows of the College." It 
was not till two years later that the Society was re- 
cruited with students whose connexion with Eton had 
been more than nominal ; in 1446 no less than eleven 
Scholars were admitted, and so many in the years 
following that by 1452, or about the time when the 


Quadrangle was completed, the number of seventy may 
have been completed also. 

The site, which was ample for the original body, 
might well fail to satisfy the new wants, and the King 
lost no time in acquiring more land to the south. Yet 
the buildings already begun were so arranged as to 
accommodate the seventy members. The south and 
west wings were occupied by chambers ; on the north 
stood the Hall, Butteries, and a Parlour in which the 
three Bursars dined apart from the other Fellows. 
Above this Parlour was the Audit-room, and to the 
west of it the Kitchen with a belfry. The Treasury 
was over the gateway in the west wing ; while at the 
south-east corner, a passage called " Cow Lane " led 
from the Quadrangle to the Chapel. In later years the 
first-floor room over this passage became a Combination- 
room. Access to the various chambers was given by 
octagonal staircases projecting into the court. There 
were three floors; the whole of the south wing, to- 
gether with the west wing as far as the gateway, was 
finished ; but, before the rest was completed, the King 
had planned a much larger court on the south side of 
the Chapel, and hence this remaining part was finished 
off in a temporary manner. Even so it was probably 
superior to any previous work in the University, 
and the gateway in particular was worthy of the 

The ground-floor was chiefly occupied by Scholars, 
the Fellows living above ; each room held either two 
Fellows or four Scholars ; but the rooms were so con- 
structed that small studies were partitioned off from the 
dormitories ; and the Statutes especially insist that each 



Scholar should have a separate bed. The earliest 
Bursars' Books show that there was a library and a 
stable ; and before 1454, by which time everything 
seems to have been finished, the College also possessed 
a pigeon-house and a garden. The Founder had also 
secured to the College the right of bringing water in 
underground pipes from a spring in Madingley Parish, 
and had bound himself and his successors to furnish the 
Society with a yearly supply of Gascony wine. The 
latter would, no doubt, have been a boon at the 
numerous Feast-days which were kept in obedience to 
the Statutes, while the former would have proved a 
daily blessing and promoted health as well as sobriety. 

While the buildings were in progress, the Society 
must have suffered great discomfort ; what its general 
condition was, when it was able to occupy a settled 
home, may be gathered from the Statutes. But these 
Statutes themselves were not the code originally con- 
templated. The eminent men, to whom that work had 
been entrusted, had withdrawn on the plea of stress of 
business ; possibly they disliked the change, by which 
King's was now linked to Eton. At any rate, Henry 
took the matter into his own hands, and with the help, 
as is conjectured, of William Wainflete, an old Wyke- 
hamist and Provost of Eton, drew up the elaborate 
laws which governed the College for more than 400 
years. It is to be noticed that Henry's conception of 
education has by this time grown somewhat wider. It 
is not merely a College of secular priests which he now 
contemplates, but a Society in which provision is also 
made, though on a very modest scale, for the study of 
law and medicine. Great power was, of course, entrusted 


to the Provost himself, but it was shared with the 
Vice-Provost, the three Deans, three Bursars, and six 
other senior Fellows. The officers were chosen annually 
by this aristocracy of thirteen ; if the majority of them 
differed from the Provost, recourse was had to the whole 
body of Fellows. In dealing with all legislative business 
of importance this process was reversed ; first the Fellows 
were summoned ; but, if they were not unanimous, then 
the decision rested ,with a majority of the Provost and 
thirteen Seniors. It seems to have been taken for 
granted that the Deans and Bursars would always be 
chosen from among the Seniors ; but the Statute omitted 
to state whether, in the absence or illness of a Senior, 
his place should be filled up ; and this omission was a 
cause of controversy in later times. The Provost alone 
had the right of proposing business for discussion. 

The election to Fellowships was made by the whole 
body of Fellows, with the Provost's consent ; but the 
Junior Fellows took no part in the election of Scholars. 
The Seniors chose two Fellows to accompany the 
Provost in his annual visit to Eton, a journey for which 
not more than nine or ten horses were allowed ; and 
the election, in which they were helped by the Provost, 
Vice-Provost, and Headmaster of Eton, was to be com- 
pleted within five days. The electors began by swearing 
to be impartial in their judgment, and to resist all 
external pressure which might be applied either by 
princes or prelates ; a promise which in those days it 
was easier to make than to keep. Any boy might be 
a candidate who, having been born in England and 
being between the ages of fifteen and twenty, had been 
educated for two years in Eton College, provided that 


he did not possess an income of five marks and was not 
a cripple. Some preference was given to boys born in 
parishes belonging to Eton or King's ; and, failing 
such, to boys of Buckinghamshire or Cambridgeshire. 
Those elected to Scholarships pledged themselves to 
reside as members of King's for at least five years. 

On reaching Cambridge they were placed under the 
care of the Vice-Provost and Deans ; the latter officers 
presided at the College disputations, the number and 
character of which were carefully defined ; and other 
teachers were provided at the?^t of the College, whose 
terminal fee did not exceed \QdJ for each Scholar. The 
examination at Eton hadvjbested their knowledge of 
grammar, and they were now introduced to the mys- 
teries of logic and rhetoric, which made up the Trivium 
or undergraduate course. A College order of 1483 
gives us some further details. There was a " collector 
to report to the officers all Scholars and B.A. Fellows 
who were absent from disputations. Lecturers came 
into Hall at 6 A.M. and taught till 8 A.M. Every day the 
last lecture was repeated before a new one was begun. 
At the end of each week the elder students shewed up 
to the Vice-Provost, or to one of the Deans, a summary 
of the week's lectures. Each day the students were bound 
to get up in private a chapter of logic or physic, and 
at the end of the week to pass an examination in these 
chapters. The teaching must have been chiefly oral, 
for printed books did not yet exist. Books of any sort 
were scarce and precious, and one College servant was 
specially occupied in carrying them to and from the 
University Schools. 

Meals were taken in the College Hall, the Scholars 


sitting at one table in the middle of the room and the 
Lay Clerks at another. For the most part they ate in 
silence and listened to the reading of Scripture ; when 
they did converse, it was in Latin. Dinner ended with 
a grace, prayer, and an anthem in honour of the Virgin 
sung by the members of all the various tables. Only 
occasionally, either on great Feast-days or when there 
was a fire in the winter time, were the Scholars allowed 
to stay on in Hall after dinner or supper, and to occupy 
themselves with singing, and with reading poetry, 
chronicles, and other improving literature. The 
College not only boarded and lodged its members, it 
also clothed them, cut their hair, and shaved them. 
Once a year the Bursars furnished a sufficient supply 
of cloth, which was perhaps converted into garments 
by some of the College servants. Scholars and Fellows 
were forbidden to sell or pawn their clothes till they 
had worn them for two years ; but after the first 
year they might give them away to members of the 
Society whose own suits had come to a premature decay. 
Even if the Scholars of those days had possessed money, 
they would have had little temptation to run up a 
tailor's bill, for they were strictly forbidden to adopt 
modern fashions in dress, to wear belts ornamented with 
gold or silver, or red or green boots. A gown reach- 
ing down to the heels was indispensable. It was one 
of the duties of the Porter to trim the hair and cut the 
beards of all the Society; and neither Fellows nor 
Scholars were allowed to indulge in a profusion of hair, 
which was then thought to be inconsistent alike with 
the academical and the clerical profession. 

No encouragement was given to sporting tastes; 


dogs, ferrets, and hawks were forbidden. Even such 
innocent exercises as jumping and ball-throwing were 
discouraged ; though in this case the objection seems 
to have arisen from a fear that damage might be done to 
the buildings or glass. If the Scholars went outside 
the College, they were not to go alone nor to discard 
their academical dress ; and before they could take a 
walk into the country, leave of the Provost and Deans 
was necessary. Poverty probably kept them at Cam- 
bridge ; but they might enj oy a vacation of two months 
in the course of the year, so long as not more than 
twenty out of the whole number of seventy were absent 
at the same time. Even when out of residence they 
were bound to dress like " clerks, 1 ' and forbidden to 
frequent either taverns or public spectacles. 

The life, which is described in these Statutes, seems 
to us hard, monotonous, and sombre ; and the election 
to a Fellowship after three years of probation made but 
little immediate difference. The Fellow was still a 
student under strict discipline, though his studies were 
more advanced. Even when he became a M.A. the 
College did not loose its hold upon him. For three 
years he was a Regent, and as such was bound himself to 
teach others; after that time the College authorities 
decided whether he should be one of the few who 
devoted themselves to the study of law, medicine, or 
astronomy. But theology was the business of the large 
majority; and it was the duty of the Provost and Deans 
to see that all M.A.s, with rare exceptions, should within 
two or three years take holy orders and become Priests. 
Any failure to obey the Provost's injunctions in this 
respect was punished with forfeiture of Fellowship. 


For the Provost himself a separate house was pro- 
vided, of which some account will be given in a later 
chapter. One attendant of good birth and five men 
servants were assigned to him, and as many as ten 
horses. Provisions both for horses and men, clothing 
for servants and master, were found by the College. 
His income, which the Statutes fixed at 100, though 
only two-thirds of this sum were actually paid, was 
large for those days ; on great Feasts he was bound to 
dine in Hall ; on other days he might do so if he 
pleased, and might also entertain guests there. In 
addition to these emoluments and privileges, he was 
not debarred from holding other Church preferment, 
provided that it did not interfere with his residence at 
Cambridge, where, besides his duties of maintaining 
discipline and of general supervision, he was bound on 
great Festivals to celebrate Mass in the Chapel. One 
absence at least in the year was enjoined on him; at 
some time before the 1st of October he rode round the 
estates in company with a Fellow chosen by the College, 
inspecting the live stock and warning the bailiffs and 
tenants to send in all moneys due from them, so as to 
be ready for the Audit. The circuit was not to extend 
beyond forty days, and the number of horses to be used 
by the Provost and his companion was specified. 

Great anxiety is shown by the Founder that the 
numbers of the Society should not be allowed to de- 
crease; and frequent diminutions in the amounts for 
commons are enjoined by the Statutes rather than that 
one of the seventy should be missing. It is the busi- 
ness of the Provost to see that the ten Chaplains and 
six Lay Clerks should be maintained; and a fine is 


imposed on him of 8s. 6d. a week for each vacancy 
among the former and of 4,9. 3d. for each missing Lay 
Clerk. The constitution of the Society was to be 
protected by a certain veil of mystery, for heavy 
penalties are imposed on those who show to strangers 
the copy of the Statutes kept in the College Library, 
or who allow any part of them to be transcribed. In 
such a case the Provost is to forfeit half his income, 
while a Fellow loses his Fellowship. As a general rule 
the surplus in each year was paid into the common 
chest, and could only be applied towards enlarging the 
College property or in legal expenses; but a sum of 
%QQ was reserved, from which loans might be made to 
members of the Society. Degree fees were paid on 
behalf of the poorest students, and each Fellow re- 
ceived a certain annual sum which varied from four 
marks assigned to a Doctor to thirty shillings received 
by a B.A. The officers also had regular though modest 

Henry had exerted himself to obtain exceptional pri- 
vileges for both of his Foundations ; and on November 29, 
1445, Pope Eugenius IV. issued a Bull in favour of 
King's College. A cemetery was allowed, in which 
members of the College, and others who wished to have 
their graves there, might be buried. All the Sacraments 
of the Church might be performed in the Chapel, even 
when the town was under an Interdict. The Provost 
and Scholars were made independent of all parish rights, 
whether pecuniary payments or the obligation to attend 
Services. The Founder seems to have thought it incon- 
sistent with the dignity of his College that it should be 
subject to the ordinary jurisdiction of the Chancellor; 


and the College was exempted, under the Papal Bulls, 
from this jurisdiction, as also from the authority of the 
Bishop of the diocese, being committed instead to the 
charge of the Bishop of Lincoln. That Bishop had 
naturally become Visitor of Eton College, for the county 
of Buckingham was then within the diocese of Lincoln, 
and the two Foundations were too closely united to 
admit of their having different Visitors. Provision 
was made for frequent visitations either by the Bishop 
himself or by his commissaries ; and even this last office 
might not be entrusted to the Bishop of Ely. It is 
remarkable that, whereas at Eton the Archbishop of 
Canterbury shared with the Bishop of Lincoln the 
powers of a Visitor, the Bull of Pope Eugenius ex- 
empted King's College from the authority of the 
Archbishop as well as from that of the Bishop and 
Archdeacon of Ely. 

The Statutes, described above, received the royal 
sanction in 1446, and in the same year William 
Millington ceased to be Provost. His retirement was 
not voluntary. We know from a letter which he wrote 
some years later to Thomas Bekynton, Bishop of Bath 
and Wells, that his conscience did not allow him to 
accept the new code. There were many things in it 
which he disliked, and to two he had an insurmount- 
able objection. As he had already sworn to obey the 
Chancellor's jurisdiction, he felt that he would be 
guilty of perjury if he accepted the exemption from 
such jurisdiction, which was conferred by the Statutes, 
and still more definitely by the Bulls. Nor could he 
reconcile himself to the Statute which restricted the 
Scholarships to Etonians, and gave a preference even 


among these to boys born in certain parishes. But he 
protests against the injustice of those who had ousted 
him, and declares that neither the Bishop of Lincoln 
nor the King had approved of his deprivation ; and the 
fact that he was one of those appointed to draw 
up Statutes for Queens 1 College in 1448 is certainly 
evidence that he recovered the royal favour if he ever 
forfeited it. It would seem that Millington did not 
altogether disapprove of the connexion with Eton. At 
any rate, he signed the "Amicabilis Concordia," by 
which the Wardens of Winchester and New College 
and the Provosts of Eton and King's bound their 
Colleges for all time to support each other in all causes, 
trials, and difficulties. 

The University did not surrender its authority over 
the new College without a struggle. In 1453 Scholars 
of King's were forbidden to take their degrees till they 
had renounced their exemption from University juris- 
diction; and in 1454 there were riots, in which the 
College was a special object of attack. But Henry was 
too strong for his opponents; and the University 
finally gave way in 1457 ; except that the College 
jurisdiction was limited to cases which had their origin 
within the precincts of the College. 

To us at the present day it does not seem a matter 
of much moment whether a turbulent undergraduate 
or dishonest servant was brought before the Chan- 
cellor's Court or the Head of his own College ; but the 
exemption from University examinations, which seems 
to have followed from that of jurisdiction, entailed far 
more serious consequences. How and when this last 
privilege was secured is uncertain. The College 


Statutes seem to assume that the Scholars will take 
part in the disputations, which were then the avenue 
to a B. A. degree ; and in the documents by which the 
University recognised the freedom of the College in 
the matter of jurisdiction, the Chancellor retains the 
power of summoning Kingsmen to scholastic acts and 
congregations. No records are extant to show whether 
Kingsmen did in fact ever "dispute" for the B.A. 
degree ; and we must be content to remain uncertain 
whether the custom by which members of the College 
received their first degree without examination up to 
the middle of the nineteenth century was established in 
the fifteenth.* At that period the loss was perhaps 
not great, for the academical exercises, though they 
might sharpen the intellect, were no guarantee for any 
cultivation of the mind. In another half-century the 
revival of the study of Greek gave an opportunity for 
a revolution in University studies. Freed from the 
trammels of a barren logic, the Kingsmen might have 
devoted themselves to a nobler literature ; and it will 
be found that some of them did so. Yet it cannot be 
doubted that the exemption was, on the whole, a cause 
of idleness, and that it was easier to fall below the 
standard of University culture than to maintain in the 
isolation of a College a still higher ideal. 

* See Appendix A. 



" They dreamt not of a perishable home 
Who thus could build." 

As soon as Henry had determined to enlarge his 
College at Cambridge and connect it with the one 
which he had already founded at Eton, he must have 
felt the necessity for a Chapel of more suitable propor- 
tions. He had already planned a large church for his 
School, and he could not allow his College to be at any 
disadvantage in this respect. The document which 
goes by the name of his " Will," and is dated March 12, 
1448, gives us complete details of his final plan both 
for the church and for the southern quadrangle and 
western cloister, which he intended to build if his life 
and reign had been prolonged. We cannot read the 
King's words without feeling how thoroughly he had 
put his heart into this work. Every possible pre- 
caution is taken for providing an annual supply of 
money till such time as both Colleges, at Eton and 
Cambridge, should be completed. No appeal could be 
more solemn or more pathetic than the concluding 
words, in which he charges his executors to fulfil their 
task faithfully. Yet, of his great design, the Chapel 


alone was built; and this, with some exceptions, the 
most important of which is that the side chapels were 
not originally meant to extend east of the Ante- 
Chapel, corresponds to the directions of the Will. The 
Civil War and the changes in the dynasty delayed the 
completion of the fabric for more than half a century, 
but the modifications which this delay caused in the 
original design are such as are apt to be overlooked 
except by the eye of an architect. 

Henry had gradually acquired a large area reaching 
from High Street (now Trumpington Street) to the 
river. The ground was then covered by shops, private 
houses, hostels for students, and gardens, and there 
were several thoroughfares leading west from High 
Street, and across Milne Street, towards the river. By 
purchase from private owners or by grants from the 
Mayor and Corporation of the town, he became pos- 
sessor of nearly all which the College at this day holds 
on the east of the Cam, except the space now covered 
by Bodley's building and some ground at the south-east 
corner. There was one important building, however, 
which it was necessary to demolish. This was the 
Church of St. John the Baptist, commonly called St. 
John Zachary, which stood on the west side of Milne 
Street, and probably so close to it that the high altar 
of the church was on ground afterwards enclosed 
within the western bays of the College Ante-Chapel. 
The parish of St. John Zachary was of some import- 
ance, including as it did the Colleges of Clare and 
Trinity Hall. Henry made arrangements for its being 
united with the adjoining parish of St. Edward's; the 
church was pulled down, and a new one built opposite 


Gonville Hall. The necessary area being thus cleared, 
the King laid the first stone of the new Chapel on 
St. James's Day, July 25, 1446. The King's presence on 
this occasion has been doubted, because there exists a 
letter written by Henry to Abbot Curteys of Bury, 
telling the Abbot to be at Cambridge on Michaelmas 
Day, when the Marquis of Suffolk would lay the first 
stone, the pestilence then prevailing at Cambridge 
preventing the King himself from coming. But the 
year of this letter has been wrongly assumed to be 
1446, in the course of which year Abbot Curteys died. 
It was probably written in 1445. Something must 
have happened to postpone the ceremony, for the 
College Register distinctly says that the King himself 
laid the first stone on July 25, 1446. A few months 
before he had granted to the College a quarry in 
Thefdale, near Tadcaster, which had already supplied 
material for a large part of York Minster. Two or 
three years later part of another quarry of Yorkshire 
limestone, viz., Huddleston, was allotted to the College ; 
this was the stone chiefly used in the lifetime of the 
King, and was no doubt conveyed to Cambridge, as 
it was to Eton, by water. 

Nicholas Close has commonly been considered the 
architect of the Chapel. He was a man of Flemish 
family, and one of the six original Fellows. He had 
for a few years held the cure of the parish of St. John 
Zachary, and in 1450 became Bishop of Carlisle. 
He certainly received from the King the grant of a 
coat-of-arms for his services ; but an equally strong 
claim might perhaps be made out on behalf of John 
Langton, Master of Pembroke and Chancellor of the 


University, who acted as overseer of the works till 
1447, when he became Bishop of St. David's. And 
if we accept the view of Mr. G. G. Scott, in his Essay 
on English Church Architecture, the man who should 
really have the credit of conceiving this great work was 
the master-mason, Reginald Ely, appointed by a patent 
of Henry VI. " to press masons, carpenters, and other 
workers." According to Mr. Scott's view, Close and his 
successors did the work which in modern days would 
be done, though less efficiently, by a building com- 
mittee ; but they were ecclesiastics, not architects. It 
is the master mason, not the more dignified " sur- 
veyors," to whom the honour of planning the building 
should be attributed. 

The third overseer or surveyor was Robert Wode- 
larke, another of the six original Fellows, who was 
made Provost in 1452. He seems to have acted as 
overseer till the deposition of the King brought the 
work to a standstill ; and finding that there was some 
suspicion of his having embezzled part of the funds 
allotted to the work, he drew up a statement in which 
he tells us the following particulars : When Henry 
was taken prisoner at St. Albans, 1455, the Earls of 
Salisbury and Warwick promised to supply funds for 
the College buildings, and told Wodelarke to collect 
stonemasons and workmen. For some time they kept 
their word ; and some part at least of the ^PIOOO a 
year, promised by Henry from the Duchy of Lancaster, 
continued to be paid. But the exigencies of the State 
soon absorbed all the revenues of the Duchy; and 
Wodelarke found that he had to pay the workmen out 
of his own pocket. So far from having made any 


profit by his surveyorship, he found, on going into the 
accounts with Thomas Betts, the College auditor, that 
the payments exceeded the receipts by %%8 10s. 4td. 

When the great battle of Towton in 1461 gave the 
Crown to the young Duke of York, the two Colleges 
of his rival could not hope for any favour. And, in 
fact, Edward IV. did not spare either Eton or King's. 
But the former College seems to have suffered the more 
severely, much of its property being confiscated for the 
benefit of the Dean and Chapter of Windsor. Some 
of the King's College estates suffered the same fate, 
and the College is said to have lost land to the annual 
value of c1000, " no fewer than forty of the Fellows 
and Scholars, besides Conducts, Clerks, and Choristers," 
so runs the story, being " in one day forced to depart 
the house for want of maintenance." On the other hand, 
Edward is said to have restored to the College 500 
marks of annual revenue on condition that they should 
acknowledge him for their Founder. Moreover, the 
College accounts show that during the twelve years 
which follow Edward's accession some attempts were 
made to carry on building operations, and apparently 
the " Provost's " Chapel in the new church was in use 
as early as 1470. 

The restoration of Henry VI. in that year was only 
momentary, and could be of no benefit to his Colleges ; 
but towards the close of Edward's reign there are 
signs of greater activity. This may have been due to 
the influence of Thomas Rotherham, Archbishop of 
York and Lord Chancellor of England. It was natural 
that he should take an interest in the College of which 
he had been made a Fellow in 1443, and of which he 


had once been Visitor as Bishop of Lincoln. More- 
over, he was a true friend to education. Not only had 
he founded a College at Rotherham, his own native 
place, and enriched it with a large collection of books, 
but he had also re-founded Lincoln College at Oxford ; 
and at Cambridge he had built [the east front of the 
new Schools with a Library above, which he had fur- 
nished with many valuable books. The College had 
another friend at Court in Walter Field, who was 
Chaplain to the King, and who succeeded Wodelarke 
as Provost in 1479. He was appointed the next over- 
seer of the works, and before Edward's death in 1483 
had found the means of spending nearly 1300 on the 
Chapel. It was at this time that the oolite from 
Weldon in Northamptonshire was first used ; the stone- 
work of seven of the side windows at the east end was 
completed, and several of the Chantry Chapels were 
roofed in, two of them being vaulted with stone. It 
seems also that about this time the original design was 
seriously modified. Reginald Ely would probably have 
taken as his model the Lady Chapel at Ely ; the vault 
would have been arched, and the great space which is 
now left between the top of the windows and the 
spring of the vaulting would have been avoided. But 
in 1476 John Woolrich had succeeded to the place of 
master mason, and the vaulting shafts which he placed 
in the Choir, springing from corbels at the transom 
level, shew that he had determined to adopt the new 
fashion of fan vaulting, though the vault itself was 
built by other hands some thirty years later. He could 
not raise the windows, some of which were already 
finished, but he could carry up the wall above them 


to support his comparatively flat vault. It is, at any 
rate, certain that, whereas in the two easternmost 
chapels on the north side, as well as in other chapels, 
the work of which was already far advanced, we find 
the earlier and simpler " Kerne " vaulting, this is dis- 
carded in the body of the church for the more magni- 
ficent style which had already been introduced on a 
smaller scale at Gloucester and in Oxford. The evi- 
dence, therefore, points to Woolrich as the man who 
designed, in the language of Wordsworth^ sonnet, 

" that branching roof 

Self-poised, and scooped into ten thousand cells, 
Where light and shade repose, where music dwells 
Lingering and wandering on as loth to die ; 
Like thoughts whose very sweetness yieldeth proof 
That they were born for immortality." 

Although Rotherham himself was disgraced and sent 
to the Tower on the accession of Richard III. in 1483, 
yet the new King not only shewed his goodwill to the 
College by the gift of the estate of Biggin in Hertford- 
shire, but also ordered that the building should go on 
with all possible despatch. John Sturgeon is to press 
workmen, to provide materials, and to commit to 
prison all who should delay him. Between May and 
December 1484 about 150 had been spent, nearly all 
of which was provided by the King. The east window 
had been glazed with white glass, and the father of a 
scholar had furnished money for making another win- 
dow in the Choir. From an extant letter of the 
Provost thanking the unknown donor, Mr. J. W. 
Clark has been able to identify the latter. The son's 


christian-name was James, and the only James admitted 
to the College before 1526 (for the name seems as yet 
hardly to have crossed the Tweed) was James Denton, 
afterwards Canon of Windsor. Liberality was heredi- 
tary in the Denton family, for the son, besides other 
improvements which he made at St. George's at his own 
expense, u built the long and stately back-stairs from 
the bottom of the hill unto the top, commonly known 
by the name of the College Stairs," but more familiar 
to our own generation as the " Hundred Steps." 

Mr. Scott has no doubt that the windows of that 
portion of the Chapel, which was finished by 1485, were 
glazed with white glass, and a partition erected across 
the Choir, so that it might be used for the church services, 
as was commonly done in such cases. It must be re- 
membered, however, that the Kingsmen already had a 
smaller chapel, which they continued to use on ordinary 
occasions, if not on all. At any rate, it is fairly certain 
that the five eastern bays of the new building were by 
this time finished and covered with a timber roof; and 
thus, after nearly forty years, the great church planned 
by the Founder was still a fragment, not half com- 

Now followed a period of more than twenty years of 
absolute stagnation. It might have been expected 
that a grandson of Queen Katherine would readily 
adopt the scheme which was so dear to the heart of 
Katherine's son ; but till almost the eve of his death 
Henry VII. took no notice of the College, to which 
even Richard had shewn himself a generous patron. It 
so happened, however, that in 1506 the King, in com- 
pany with his mother, paid a visit to Cambridge and 


attended service in the unfinished Chapel. This seems 
to have been the turning-point ; at any rate, in the 
summer of 1508, more than a hundred masons or car- 
penters were again at work ; and in the following spring, 
only three weeks before his death, Henry conveyed a 
sum of 5000 to the College, and enj oined his executors 
to provide as much more as might be necessary for com- 
pleting the church. After this there was no further 
interruption in the work, which was of a kind likely to 
interest the new King, for Henry VIII. was, at that 
time, if we may trust the judgment of Erasmus, an 
enlightened and religious prince, and so true a friend to 
learning that there seemed to the Dutch scholar to be 
the promise of a golden age in England. It proved 
indeed to be little better than a "quinquennium 
Neronis " ; but the quinquennium was prolonged suffi- 
ciently to secure the completion of King's College 
Chapel. The vaulting of the Choir and Ante-chapel 
was now executed with Weldon stone in 1512 and 
the following years ; a u pattern tower " was built at 
the north-west corner ; and, as it was approved, a con- 
tract was made for three other towers like it. Another 
contract provided for vaulting two porches with stone 
from Hampole in Yorkshire, as well as sixteen Chantry 
Chapels with Weldon stone. Apparently by July 1515 
the fabric of the church was finished, and had cost, in 
the present value of money, about =160,000. 

The design was new in English architecture, but not 
absolutely original; for in the Cathedral of Albi, in 
Southern France, as Mr. J. W. Clark has pointed out, as 
well as in two churches at Toulouse, vast buttresses sup- 
porting a great vault are in the same way supported 


themselves by Chantry Chapels. At Albi, though the 
stone work is plainer than our own, the vault has the 
advantage of an extremely rich painted decoration ; such 
as was intended, but never executed, at King's. But 
the vaulting itself is of a kind peculiarly English ; and 
it reappears in Bath Abbey, in St. George's Chapel at 
Windsor, in Henry VII.'s Chapel at Westminster, and 
in the ambulatory of the choir of Peterborough Cathe- 
dral. It is interesting to notice that one of these 
buildings, Bath Abbey, was begun by a Kingsman, 
Oliver King, who was Bishop of Bath and Wells from 
1495 to 1503, and who had pulled down the old Abbey 
Church. It was not only in the vaulting of the College 
Chapel that the change of style appeared. The double 
niches in the windows, and the profusion of heraldic 
badges with which both the exterior and interior of the 
Ante-chapel are enriched, if not overloaded, are examples 
of the exuberance of detail which marks the last stage 
of Perpendicular architecture. This was certainly a 
departure from the Will of Henry VI., which directs 
that the building should be constructed "in large 
fourme, clene and substancial, settyng aparte super- 
fluyte of too grete curyous werkes of entaylle and besy 
moldyng." But probably the executors of Henry VII. 
introduced these Tudor badges as evidence to future 
generations that they had faithfully discharged the 
trust committed to them. 

With the exception of one bay at the east and two 
at the west end, the main building is flanked by low 
chapels. The Founder's will directs that an altar should 
be placed in each of these "closets, 11 and that there 
should be a vestry on the north side " departed into 


two howses beneath and two howses above." No such 
Vestry was built ; but some of the Chapels answered the 
same purpose, though most of them served as Chantries, 
where Masses were sung for the souls of individual Bene- 
factors. In two of these on the south side, opening 
into the Ante-chapel, and in one farther east on the 
north side, there is some painted glass of the fifteenth 
century. A vague tradition tells us that part of this 
came from Ramsey Abbey. It is at least as likely that 
it was taken from the church of St. John Zachary, 
which had been demolished to make room for the 

When the fabric was finished, no time was lost in 
glazing the windows. Bishop Fox, afterwards Provost, 
was originally entrusted with the supervision. He was 
executor to Henry VII., who may possibly have seen 
and approved the design ; and as almoner to Henry VIII. 
Fox is believed to have used his influence in favour of 
a petition which the Provost and Scholars had presented 
for pecuniary aid. If only funds could be procured, 
the time was favourable for an artistic use of them. 
During the last half-century many illustrated books 
had appeared, chiefly in Holland and at Nuremberg, 
which provided the glass stainers with models for their 
subjects. The art of glass-staining too had itself ad- 
vanced; and, owing to the artist's increased mastery 
over his material, or from some other cause, the single 
figures characteristic of the fourteenth century had 
given way to large pictorial subjects. Barnard Flower, 
the King's glazier, received 100 in November 1515, 
and the same sum in February 1517 ; it seems that he 
completed four windows, one of which was that over 


the north porch. His death and other causes delayed 
matters, and it was not till 1526 that another contract 
provided for the completion of the remaining twenty- 
two windows within five years. Among the names of 
the glaziers we find some who seem to have been 
Flemings ; and it has been suggested that the designs 
were by foreigners and the execution by English hands. 
Such a man as Bernard van Orley may very possibly 
have had a share in the work. The scenes representing 
the Death of Ananias, and Paul and Barnabas at Lystra, 
remind us of Raphael's cartoons, and may even be derived 
from them. 

The contract of 1526 specified the windows of the 
King's new Chapel at Westminster as the model to 
be followed ; the price was to be Is. 6d. per foot, and 
the windows were to be secured with double bonds of 
lead "for defence of great wyndes and outragious 
wetheringes." The windows were to represent the "story 
of the old lawe and of the new lawe." Above and 
below the transom in each are two separate pictures, 
each pair being divided by a " Messenger," who bears a 
scroll with a legend giving the subject represented. 
In the lower tier the windows, from north-west to 
south-west, represent the Life of the Virgin, the Life of 
Christ, and the History of the Church as recorded in 
the Acts of the Apostles. The upper tier has scenes 
from the Old Testament or from Apocryphal sources, 
which prefigure the events recorded below. But the 
whole of the east window is devoted to the Passion and 
Crucifixion ; the first window of the series is filled with 
scenes connected with the Birth of the Virgin ; three of 
the later windows on the south side are entirely taken 


up with the History of St. Paul or St. Peter ; while the 
two last of the series, at the south-west corner, repre- 
sent the Death and Assumption of the Virgin, together 
with the appropriate types ; so that the general plan 
is not strictly preserved throughout. The series of 
scenes from the Acts is perhaps due to the influence of 
the approaching Reformation ; at any rate, St. Paul 
had been but little prominent hitherto in medieval 

The Last Judgment would in all probability have 
formed the subject of the west window, as it does at 
Fairford Church in Gloucestershire. The windows of 
that church date from about 1490 ; and, like our own, 
are a combination of English and foreign workmanship, if 
we may j udge by their characteristic details ; like our 
own, too, they represent the story of the Law and the 
Gospel; but the plan is different, perhaps owing to the 
smaller size of the windows. On the north side stand a 
series of Prophets, each bearing a text, and opposite to 
them are the Apostles holding sentences from the Creed. 
Within the Chancel Screen the windows depict the 
story of the Virgin, the Passion, and the Resurrection ; 
and to make the history more complete, in the cleres- 
tory are represented on the north the persecutors, and 
on the south the martyrs of the Church. The Fairford 
windows are said to have been taken down and con- 
cealed in 1643, when Essex was marching upon Ciren- 
cester. The story, in this case, is not improbable ; at 
any rate they survive, and besides their own intrinsic 
beauty they furnish a most interesting and instructive 
parallel to our own glass. 

Before the windows were quite finished an estimate 


was made for filling the fifty-four niches with statues 
and for painting and gilding the great vault. As the 
plan of our windows follows that of Henry VII.'s 
Chapel, it is probable that the plan of the statuary, 
which still remains in that Chapel, would also have 
been followed. We can but guess what would have 
been the combined effect of glass, painted vault, and 
statues, for the two latter works were never executed. 
Money perhaps fell short. What there was, was 
applied to the erection of the rood-loft and lower 
portion of the stalls. As the rood-loft has the arms, 
badge, and initials of Anne Boleyn, its date must be 
between 1533 and 1536. It is generally considered to 
be of Italian workmanship ; but Mr. Scott thinks it 
French rather than Italian in character, and compares 
it to the stallwork of the church of St. Bertrand de 
Comminges in the Pyrenees, which bears the date of 
1537. The Will " of Henry VI. ordered thirty-six 
stalls on each side, exclusive of those placed against the 
rood-loft, for seventy Fellows and ten Conducts. No 
sub-stalls were mentioned, but if distinguished strangers 
were present, they were to occupy some of the stalls, 
while the Fellows stood below. The number of stalls 
was eventually reduced to sixty, and these were as yet 
without their canopies, except those adjoining the 
rood-loft. But the walls throughout were probably 
covered with hangings. 

A high altar was erected in 1545, but was removed 
four years later, on the publication of King Edward's 
first Prayer-book. The brass lectern, given by Robert 
Hacumblen, who was Provost 1509-28, was already in 
the Choir, which was paved with grey English marble, 


the gift of the King. About this time also a clock- 
house was placed at the north-east corner of the Chapel ; 
it was a wooden building with a tiled roof surmounted 
by a tapering spire, and there it stood till 1817. 

Even if no organ as yet stood in the rood-loft, some 
simple instrument was doubtless used from the first to 
accompany the Choir. Provision was certainly made 
for another kind of church music ; for five bells were 
sent by the Founder in 1443, and were hung in a 
wooden belfry a little to the west of the Chapel. They 
are said to have been the largest in England; one story 
makes Pope Calixtus III. their donor, and another tells 
us that they were taken from a French Church after 
the battle of Agincourt. Whatever their origin, Mr. 
J. W. Clark's researches into the College accounts shew 
that they were replaced by at least one fresh set before 
1470. The campanile projected by the Founder was 
never built, and the wooden belfry proved an insufficient 
protection. Early in the eighteenth century it fell into 
decay, and was removed in 1739. For a time the bells 
stood in the Ante-chapel, but in 1754 they were sold 
for the sum of 532 10s. 3d., two of them being 
cracked and the others considered useless. 

The new church was probably ready for constant 
use by 1536 or 1537 ; and it was in one of those years, 
by a singular coincidence, that the old Chapel, which 
had provided the means of worship to so many genera- 
tions of Kingsmen, fell one evening, happily after the 
conclusion of Vespers, so that no one was hurt. The 
great Chapel and its services will generally be recog- 
nised as the most striking features of King's College ; 
the deepest and widest influences exercised by the 


College during three centuries and a half are due to 
them, and the question is naturally asked, why the 
building is so impressive. Certainly, it has not escaped 
criticism ; but the fault which is found with its exterior 
lies not in its construction but in its isolated position. 
It is, in fact, a fragment of the Founders great design. 
Had the church been connected with a quadrangle on 
the south and a cloister on the west, the four turrets of 
the main building leading up to the great campanile 
of the cloisters, the general effect would have been very 

Even as it stands, however, it is a marvellous work. 
In one sense it is unique, for it is a Cathedral in size 
and a College Chapel in plan. It is striking also 
from its apparent unity of design. We have seen 
that important modifications were, in fact, intro- 
duced during the seventy years which elapsed between 
the laying of the first stone and the completion of the 
fabric ; but to the uninitiated eye it might have been 
the creation of a single night; and in this respect 
it offers a contrast to most English Cathedrals, which 
charm us by the varieties of their architecture almost as 
much as by their intrinsic beauty. It is interesting also as 
the meeting-point of the last Gothic with the earliest 
Renaissance work. And the effect produced by the 
combination of the great stone vault with the long line 
of rich glass is one which can hardly be felt elsewhere, 
except, indeed, at York Minster, where, alone among 
English Cathedrals, there is the same happy union of 
old stone work with old glass ; and there, though both 
architecture and glass are earlier and in themselves 
perhaps more interesting than at King^s, yet they are 

From a photograph by] [J. Palmer Clarke, Cambridge 



not brought into such close contact with each other. 
Like other really great works, King's Chapel produces 
an impression which is instantaneous and at the same 
time permanent. It does not disarm criticism, but it 
compels admiration. And if any one is inclined to 
criticise, let him look at the exterior on a moonlight 
night from the south side of the Quadrangle, or from 
the top of Trinity Street ; or let him take his stand 
within the Ante-chapel at the north-west corner on a 
bright summer's day, and cast his eye along the coloured 
glass and stone vaulting till he catches a part of the 
east window rising above the stately rood-loft ; and if 
he does not feel that there is an inspiration in the 
building which is above criticism, he must be a 

" Man that hath no music in himself." 



WHILE the Chapel was growing in beauty, the Society 
was gradually making itself felt in the University. But 
the close of the fifteenth century was not remarkable 
for activity of mind, at least in the English Universities. 
Bishop Fisher, looking back from the year 1506, says 

"a weariness of learning and study had stolen on the 
University, whether owing to quarrels with townsmen, or 
the prevailing fevers, or that there was a lack of helpers 
and patrons of letters." 

One is tempted to connect with this complaint the fact 
that a large proportion of those admitted to King's 
College threw up their Scholarships and left Cambridge 
without proceeding to a degree; but as this habit 
continued till late in Elizabeth's reign, it must have 
been owing to other causes than those which Fisher 
enumerates. It does not seem to have been due to a 
lack of intellectual or practical ability in the Provosts. 
Robert Wodelarke (Third Provost) was prominent in 
the University, as well as energetic in carrying on the 
building of his own College Chapel in dark days ; while 
by founding St. Catharine's Hall he at least shewed his 


willingness to promote education. His successor, Walter 
Field, had been Chaplain to Edward IV., and during 
the first part of his Provostship, which lasted twenty 
years, was even more successful than Wodelarke in 
obtaining supplies for the building ; and John Argentine 
was enough of a scholar to propose a series of subjects 
for his " Act," as incepting Master of Arts, in Latin 
Hexameters. Up to this time, however, Latin must 
have monopolised the attention of Cambridge students, 
and the Latin of the Schoolmen more than that of 
classical authors ; and it may be that the early Provosts 
of King's were administrators rather than teachers. Of 
Richard Hatton, who was Provost from 1507 to 1509, 
a curious story is told, which rests on fairly good 

" He was a very high coloured man in the Face, which 
happened to him after this Manner, and for which he could 
never get any Cure. When he was Bursar, being on the 
Road to London upon College Business, and having a con- 
siderable charge of Money about him, he was tempted to 
take some Repose under the shade of some Trees during 
the excessive Heat ; but happening to fall asleep, a Welsh 
servant that attended him, endeavouring to cut his Throat, 
awaked him ; upon which he striving to defend himself, 
the Villain struck him across the face with a Dagger ; but 
being overmatched by his Master in the Struggle was by 
him carried to the next Town, and from thence to the 
County Gaol, where the Law had its course against him. 
After he was chosen Provost he rarely wore his Doctor's 
Robes ; and being asked the Reason of it, he replied that 
a Scarlet Gown did not become so bloody a Colour, at the 
same time pointing to his face." 


The new learning was now beginning to dawn upon 
Cambridge. Erasmus began his residence as Lady 
Margaret's Professor in 1511. Among his earliest 
friends were two young Kingsmen, John Bryan, who was 
afterwards a champion of the genuine text of Aristotle, 
and Robert Aldrich, who went with Erasmus to 
Walsingham in Norfolk, where they made fun of the 
relics. The character of Aldrich was perhaps hardly 
on a par with his intelligence and learning ; but he was 
a successful man, was employed on missions to the Pope 
and the King of France, and became Provost of Eton 
and Bishop of Carlisle. He is said to have complied 
with all the changes of religion, and in the reign of 
Mary acted as a Commissioner for the suppression of 
heresies. His office of Bishop took him away from 
Eton during the session of Parliament, but it does not 
seem to have kept him much in his diocese, for in 1541 
the Privy Council found that he was " lingering at his 
comfortable residence at Eton,*" and commanded him to 
return to Carlisle, " there to remain for the feeding of 
the people both with his preaching and good hospi- 
tality. 1 ' 

Erasmus left Cambridge in the late autumn of 1513, 
disheartened by his apparent want of success. But the 
seed was sown ; and seven years later, he declares that 
sound theology is flourishing at Paris and Cambridge 
more than at any other University, " because they are 
receiving the new learning not as an enemy but 
courteously as a guest." A welcome, too, was given at 
many Cambridge Colleges to Erasmus's great work, the 
Novum Instrumentum, printed at Basle in 1516, in 
which not only a more genuine text of the Greek 


Testament is furnished to students, but the comments 
of Erasmus set forth the real teaching of Christ and his 
Apostles in glaring contrast to the doctrine and practices 
of clergy and monks. 

It was about this time, in 1518, that Bryan of King^s 
in his lectures as a Regent M.A., turned aside from the , 
old disputes on nominalism and realism, and taught 
from a genuine Greek text of Aristotle himself. But 
now a greater champion of Greek appeared from the 
same College in the person of Richard Croke. This 
remarkable man had certainly not been a " home-keep- 
ing youth." Soon after taking his B.A. degree he had 
removed to Oxford in order to study Greek under 
Grocyn. After this he had gone abroad and taught 
the language at Cologne, Louvain, and Leipsic. It was 
at this last University that his reputation reached its 
highest point. Erasmus, writing in 1515, says, " Crocus 
regnat in Academia Lipsiensi " : and at Erfurt a foreign 
scholar found himself famous simply because he had 
been a pupil of Croke, "qui primus putabatur ita 
docuisse Graecam linguam in Germania ut plane perdisci 
illam posse . . . nostri homines sese intelligere arbitra- 
rentur." An Englishman teaching Greek to Germans 
strikes us as rather a strange phenomenon. By the 
year 1519 Croke had returned to Cambridge, taken a 
M.A. degree, and been appointed Greek Reader to the 
University. Compared to his predecessor Erasmus, he 
started with a great advantage ; for he was young and 
vigorous, an Englishman dealing with English students, 
and one who added to this the prestige of a brilliant 
career on the Continent ; and there were " Trojans " 
enough at Cambridge to make such advantages valuable 


to a champion of Greek. His inaugural lecture is, in 
part, an apology for the study of the language. It was 
delivered in Latin of Quintilian's style. He urges that 
Greek is the tongue of a superior race ; in itself and in 
its literature to be preferred to Latin. He professes 
not to undervalue the Schoolmen and the old-fashioned 
disputations ; but Greek is useful for the studies both 
of the Trivium and the Quadrivium, and invaluable for 
that knowledge of the New Testament which has a 
paramount claim on theologians. And, after all, Greek 
is not so very difficult ; time can be found for it if men 
will deduct a little from what is now given to sleep, 
sports, play, and idle talk. A few years later the poet 
Skelton complains that the new learning has driven out 
the old ; and as Croke was elected Public Orator for life 
for the two reasons curiously coupled together, that 
" primus invexit literas Graecas et regi carus est," we 
may be pretty sure that his lectures were really suc- 
cessful. The University of Oxford, where he had first 
learned his Greek, offered him a large stipend to reside 
and teach it there. Archbishop Warham and Sir 
Thomas More pressed him to consent, but Fisher's 
influence succeeded for the time in keeping him at 
Cambridge. Probably it was Fisher's influence also 
which had provided him with a Fellowship at St. John's ; 
and if so, it was the more ungracious, not to say 
ungrateful, in Croke that he protested against a pro- 
posal to hold an annual service in commemoration of 
the man who had done so much both for St. John's 
College and the University. Some years later, in 1531, 
Croke became a Canon of Wolsey's new College at 
Oxford, which had not yet taken the name of Christ 


Church. But in the interval he had made himself con- 
spicuous by his efforts on the question of the divorce of 
Queen Catherine, consulting MSS. at Venice or Bologna 
for passages in support of Henry's view, and adminis- 
tering gratuities to win or to reward the goodwill of 
the learned men with whom he conferred at the Italian 
Universities. It is to be feared that the sunshine of 
royal favour had converted the scholar into a courtier, 
and that there is some truth in Dr. Caius's description 
of him as " homo certe doctus sed in gloriam suam 
officiosissimus." One cannot but regret that the last 
recorded act of his life was that he testified to Cran- 
mer's heresy at Oxford in September 1555. He had 
begun by urging the duty of studying the New Testa- 
ment. He had boasted to Cromwell of the number of 
sermons which he had preached in favour of the King's 
supremacy. It is possible that his Protestantism 
stopped here, and that his own religious convictions 
remained the same as those of his royal master. 

If King's College had given Richard Croke to St. 
John's, the latter College repaid the debt by giving 
John Cheke to King's. It was he, more than any one 
else, who carried on the work of Erasmus and Croke, 
and made Cambridge students familiar with the poets, 
historians, and philosophers of Greece. But his career 
as a teacher belongs to the history of his first College. 
It was not till 1548 that he became Provost of King's. 
Naturally there was some resistance to his election, 
as he had none of the qualifications required by the 
Statutes ; but, ten years earlier, the Fellows had 
accepted another alien in the person of George Day, 
and it was not safe to resist the King's will. Cheke had 


resigned his Greek Professorship a year before, and was 
now a Member of Parliament, and a statesman, though 
he still remained Tutor to Prince Edward. He must 
have felt some scruples in taking the place of his own 
old Tutor, Day, still Bishop of Chichester, though now in 
disgrace and prison ; and a few years later we find him 
writing a touching letter to King Edward on behalf of 
the late Provost, and at the same time recommending 
Walter Haddon as successor to his own office at King^s. 
At this time Cheke believed himself to be dying ; and 
perhaps it would have been better for his own happiness 
and fame if his life had not been prolonged. But he 
recovered from his illness ; he was knighted, and 
became Secretary of State to Lady Jane Grey ; and it 
was at his Lodge that the Duke of Northumberland was 
arrested. The part which he took at this crisis was 
naturally fatal to his own fortunes. After a short stay 
in the Tower, he was allowed to go abroad ; but he was 
deprived of his Provostship and of his private estates, 
and reduced to support himself by teaching at Stras- 
burg. Three years later he was arrested in Flanders, 
and sent to the Tower once more. This time he was 
not to be spared except on one condition, viz., that he 
should recant the Protestantism of which he had been a 
champion. In a w r eak moment he gave way ; but 
remorse for his weakness affected his health, and he died 
at a friend's house in London in 1557. 

Neither Cheke nor Croke seem to have been of the 
stuff of which martyrs are made ; but all testimony 
goes to show that Cheke, at least, was a warm-hearted 
and honourable man. And it may be that for men of 
the keenest intellect and greatest learning it was 


doubly difficult to attain such certainty on points of 
controversial theology, as would enable them to stake 
everything on the truth of the views which they had 
themselves sincerely adopted. At any rate, these two 
men had done much to give their College a prominent 
position in the University and to secure the teaching of 
Greek within its walls. Every College had indeed been 
ordered, in 1585, to provide a daily public lecture both 
in Latin and Greek ; but it appears that, after the 
foundation of the Regius Professorship in 1540, King's 
was one of the only three Colleges in which the Greek 
lecture was still maintained. No doubt the compara- 
tive wealth of the College was much in its favour. 
When Parliament, in 1534, granted Henry VIII. the 
first fruits and tenths of ecclesiastical foundations, a 
valuation of College incomes was made. At Cambridge 
King's came first with 151 ; St. John's next with 
507. The stipend of the Provost was so much above 
that of other Heads that a Master of St. John's did not 
hesitate to accept the Provostship of King's. 

By 1545, when a dissolution of Colleges was threat- 
ened, and the University begged the Queen (Katherine 
Parr) to intercede for them, the revenue of King's 
College had risen to <1010; and the list of members 
which follows must have made an imposing show 
compared to other foundations. It consists of a Pro- 
vost, Vice-Provost, Dean of Divinity, two Deans of Arts, 
three Bursars, a Sacrist, four Fellows who were Priests, 
fifteen not Priests, nineteen B.A. Fellows, twenty-four 
Scholars. Considering the requirements of the Statutes, 
the number of four Priests seems small, but probably all 
or most of the eight officers were also in Priests' orders. 


The large proportion of young members of the College 
is also noticeable ; forty-three out of seventy had not 
resided more than seven years in the College, and the 
average number of vacant Scholarships in each year 
must have been eight. The list of stipendiary members 
is made up of ten Priests Conducts, six Clerks, sixteen 
Choristers, an Auditor, a Clerk of Accounts, Stewards, 
a Clerk of Sacristy, and thirteen servants. 

During this period we find evidence that the provi- 
sions of the Statutes requiring two of the Fellows to 
study medicine had borne some fruit. Provost Argen- 
tine was physician to the two sons of Henry VII. ; John 
Blythe, who had married Sir John Cheke's sister, and 
must therefore have ceased to be an actual Fellow of 
KingX was the first Regius Professor of Physic ; and 
before the close of the century two more Kingsmen 
held the same Professorship. 



EVERY Scholar of King's College, on completing his 
three years of probation, was bound by the Statutes to 
swear that he would never throughout life favour the 
errors or heresies of John Wyclif, Reginald Pecock, or 
any other heretic. It was now to be seen whether this 
obligation would bear the strain of a religious revolu- 
tion. The revival of the study of Greek and the 
publication of Erasmus's New Testament had given the 
first impulse to the spirit of inquiry, and in 1520 
Luther's three famous treatises appeared. Pecock had 
questioned the authority of Fathers and Schoolmen, 
but had stoutly maintained that of the Pope. Luther 
appealed from the Pope to a General Council, and 
demanded that the teaching of the Schoolmen should 
be superseded by that of the Bible. Within a year the 
three treatises were burned at St. Paul's Cross, and the 
meetings of reformers at Cambridge were necessarily 
held in secret. The White Horse Inn, which adjoined 
the Bull Hotel on the north, was the place chosen, and 
received the nickname of " Germany." A young 
Scholar of King's, John Frith, was among those who 
frequented this place; but the leading spirit was 
Thomas Bilney, of Trinity Hall, and it was he who, a 


few years later, converted Hugh Latimer. The Bishop 
of Ely at this time was Nicholas West, who was in 
many ways a typical mediaeval prelate. The son of a 
baker in Putney, he was now second only to Wolsey, 
the butcher's son, in his magnificence. He became a 
Scholar of King's in 1477, and if we could believe 
Fuller's account 

" was so desperately turbulent that, discontented with the 
loss of the Proctorship, he endeavoured to fire the Provost's 
lodgings ; and having stolen some silver spoons departed 
the College. Afterwards he became a new man, D.D., and 
Bishop of Ely, who to expiate his former faults gave many 
rich gifts and plate to the College, and built part of the 
Provost's lodgings." 

It is difficult, however, to accept the first part of this 
story in the face of the facts that he held his Fellow- 
ship till 1498, that he was appointed to the College 
living of Kingston in 1502, and that he became Dean 
of Windsor in 1510. In the early years of Henry VIII.'s 
reign he was often employed in the highest diplomatic 
missions, and accompanied the King to the Field of the 
Cloth of Gold. At Ely, where he became Bishop in 1515, 
he had 100 servants in rich liveries to attend him, while 
200 poor were daily fed at his palace gates. And his 
magnificence survived him in the rich Memorial Chapel 
which he raised for himself at the south-east corner 
of the Choir of the Cathedral. It was likely that such 
a man would come into collision with the Cambridge 
reformers ; and the fame of Latimer's preaching induced 
him to pay a surprise visit to St. Mary's. Latimer was 
equal to the occasion, changed his text, and preached 


on the contrast between the lives led by the superior 
clergy and the life of their Master. The Bishop after- 
wards thanked Latimer for expounding the duties of 
the Episcopal office, but begged him to preach one 
more sermon in the same place against Martin Luther 
and his doctrine. Latimer excused himself on the 
ground that he did not know Luther's doctrine, and 
that at Cambridge they were not allowed to read his 
works ; he was sure, however, that what he had that 
day preached was Scripture doctrine. For the moment 
the Bishop was checkmated, but he had his revenge 
by preaching himself against Latimer at Barnwell 
Abbey, and he followed this up by inhibiting Latimer 
from preaching. Strange to say, this inhibition was 
shortly afterwards removed by Wolsey. Four years 
later, in 1529, Latimer's two " sermons on the Card " 
(in which he borrowed terms from the games which 
marked the festivities of Christmas in order to illustrate 
the duties of a Christian life), provoked the Bishop to 
attack him once more; but this time Buckenham, a 
Dominican Prior, was Latimer's chief antagonist. The 
contest, however, was stopped by a letter from the 
King's Almoner, Edward Fox, who was now Provost of 
West's old College. When Bishop West died in 1533, 
another Kingsman, Nicholas Hawkins, was nominated 
as his successor. There would probably have been 
changes in the Palace at Ely had he lived to be conse- 
crated, for as Archdeacon he had sold, at a time of 
famine, all his plate and goods to relieve the poor of 
the Isle of Ely, and was content himself to be served in 
wooden dishes and earthen pots. 

One more Kingsman may be mentioned, who was 


certainly not on the side of the reformers. This was 
Richard Master, of Maidstone, who had served the 
office of Proctor, and left the College as a B.D., with 
the character of an excellent scholar and philosopher. 
His philosophy, however, was not equal to the ordeal 
which awaited him, when he became Rector of Alding- 
ton, in Romney Marsh, a living to which Archbishop 
Warham had once presented Erasmus, and the tithes of 
which were still paid to Erasmus as a pension. One of 
his parishioners, a servant-girl, Elizabeth Barton, was 
popularly supposed to have been miraculously cured, 
and to be an inspired prophetess. There were men in 
the county who could not resist the temptation to make 
use of her for their own ecclesiastical or political pur- 
poses. She was removed to Canterbury, and as the 
Nun of Kent she denounced the views of the reformers, 
but especially the King's marriage with Anne Boleyn, 
and prophesied his speedy death. She may have begun 
by being hysterical ; she certainly ended by being an 
impostor. During the earlier part of her career she 
was encouraged by Master ; her fame brought pilgrims 
and gifts to his parish ; but it is quite possible that his 
belief in her was genuine, for Fisher would not disown 
her, and Warham thought her claims serious enough to 
be brought before Wolsey and the King himself. The 
sequel was tragical enough. An act of attainder was 
passed against the unfortunate maid and her patrons, 
and Master himself was one of those who were executed 
as traitors. 

About this time, 1525-27, Cardinal Wolsey was 
founding at Oxford his College, which bore the names 
of "Cardinal" and "King's" before it gained its final 


designation of Christ Church. The Master of Pembroke 
was invited to choose Cambridge men to go as colonists 
to the new settlement. Whether by accident or design, 
several of the Kingsmen chosen were men whose minds 
were ripe for Lutheran doctrine. Of Richard Cox and 
John Frith mention will be made hereafter, but Fuller 
adds to these John Fryer and Henry Sumptner. Fryer 
seems to have been a man of versatile gifts, for when 
he was committed a prisoner to the Master of the 
Savoy, he " did much solace himself with playing the 
lute, wherein he had great skill." He then escaped, 
went abroad, and became an eminent physician ; but he 
ultimately returned to England and to the Roman 
Catholic obedience. Henry Sumptner was less fortunate, 
for he was thrown into a cave under the College, where 
the salt fish was kept, and died in 1527 from bad food 
and foul air. 

In Nicholas West we had an instance of a prosperous 
prelate who would make no terms with the reformers. 
Two Kingsmen must now be mentioned, who in different 
ways and with marked success adopted the cause of 
Protestantism. These were Edward Fox and Richard 
Cox. Six or seven years only separated them at 
College ; but Fox, the senior, died before the crisis of 
the religious troubles when under fifty years of age; 
Cox lived on far into the quieter times of Queen 
Elizabeth. Fox appears chiefly as the champion and 
advocate of Henry's divorce from his first wife. As 
secretary io Wolsey he first gains his introduction into 
political life. In 1528 he is sent to Rome with Bishop 
Gardiner to induce Clement VII. to grant a Bull for the 
divorce of Catherine. The next year he introduces 


Cranmer to the King as a man who will be a useful 
ally^ and in 1530 he takes a chief part in persuading 
the University of Cambridge to pass a vote favourable 
to Henry's prime object. Mr. Mullinger's account of 
the way in which this result was achieved shews us that 
Fox and his friends were far from scrupulous about the 
means which they employed in gaining their end. Fox's 
exertions in the cause did not, however, stop here ; at 
Oxford and at Paris he helped to obtain similar 
decisions from the Universities. He had his reward, 
for he was made Provost of King's in 1528 and Bishop 
of Hereford in 1535. It was in this last year that he 
went to Smalcald to win over the Protestant Princes to 
the "King's Cause"; at Wittenberg he had an interview 
with Luther, who was too honest to promise more than 
a fair inquiry into the merits of the case; and at 
Frankfort he waited till the German divines dismissed 
him with an answer which seemed to condemn both the 
King's original marriage with Katherine and his sub- 
sequent conduct in divorcing her. In 1538 Fox died. 
It is impossible to feel sympathy for the cause to which 
he devoted his life ; but he was undoubtedly a subtle 
and able negotiator, and among his contemporaries his 
talents and eloquence gave him great influence. He 
was called "the wonder of the University and the 
darling of the Court." Some of his sayings sound like 
anticipations of aphorisms in Bacon's essays. 

If Fox's name is identified with the Divorce question, 
Richard Cox was no less the champion of the Book of 
Common Prayer. As Tutor and Almoner of Edward VI. 
he naturally took a part in compiling both editions of 
the book ; and during his exile in Mary's reign he had 


an opportunity of showing the strength of his attach- 
ment to the English liturgy. At Frankfort a number 
of Protestant refugees were collected, who had been 
persuaded by John Knox to discard their Prayer Book. 
Cox came to the rescue in March 1554, and for a year 
the controversy raged. Cox insisted on repeating the 
responses and in reading the Litany from the pulpit. 
Knox, when he got his turn, inveighed against the 
Prayer Book, and twitted Cox with the number of 
ecclesiastical offices which he had held. Cox had 
undoubtedly been a pluralist, but he gained his point, 
and Knox was forbidden to preach and requested by 
the authorities to leave the town. Nearly ten years 
before this Cox had done good service to the Universities 
as well as to the Church. In 1546, Parliament had 
placed the properties of the Colleges at the disposal of 
the King, and it was partly owing to a spirited protest 
made by Cox to Sir William Paget, Secretary of State, 
to " stay impropriations," that confiscation was averted. 
He was never afraid to speak out; he told Queen 
Elizabeth that his conscience would not permit him to 
officiate in her chapel if she continued to use lights and 
a crucifix; and he risked his influence with her still 
further by defending the right of Deans and Canons to 
marry, urging that enforced celibacy would result in 
their non-residence. In this last matter he certainly 
practised what he preached, for at seventy years of age 
he married a second wife; an offence so grave in the 
Queen's eyes, that he was brought before the Star 
Chamber and narrowly escaped imprisonment. But, as 
a general rule, his words were braver than his deeds ; 
and he had no notion of toleration either for Romanists 


or for Protestant " Sectaries." Another blot also rests 
on his memory. He was one of the Commissioners 
who destroyed valuable books and MSS. in the Oxford 
libraries under the pretext that they tended to Popery. 
It would seem that neither as Headmaster of Eton nor 
as Dean of Christ Church, both of which offices he held, 
had he learned to respect literary documents ; and Sir 
J. Harington tells us how 

" an Oxford doctor said merrily to a Cambridge man that 
Oxford had formerly a good Library till such time as a 
Cambridge man became our Chancellor, and so cancelled, 
catalogued, and scattered our books as from that time to 
this we could never recover them." 

As Bishop of Ely Cox had much difficulty in defending 
the estates of the See from the encroachments of the 
Crown and courtiers. He did, indeed, succeed in pre- 
venting Lord North from appropriating the Palace of 
Somersham and Manor of Downham ; but, after a hard 
fight, he had to surrender his house at Holborn to Sir 
Christopher Hatton. At last, worn out with years and 
troubles, he desired to resign his Bishopric, and retire 
to the Palace and Manor of Doddington with a pension 
of %QO. His enemies accused him of avarice; but 
Leland, when asked if he could find a perfect character, 
chose Cox, of whom he wrote : 

et Is vir judicio omnium piorum 
Omni ex parte fidelis integerque." 

Leland, however, only knew him in his younger days, 
and there may be truth in Sir J. Harington's verdict, 
" Coepisti melius quam desinis." 


Such men as Cox probably escaped the stake by 
voluntary exile ; but there were others who either could 
not, or would not, adopt this course. John Frith was 
the first member of the College who suffered death for 
his religious opinions, when hardly thirty years of age ; 
the friend and assistant of William Tyndale, and a man 
in whom even his enemies could find no flaw. He was 
the son of an innkeeper at Sevenoaks, and as a B.A. of 
1525 was one of the batch of Cambridge Scholars who 
were established at Wolsey*s College in Oxford. Here 
his opinions got him into trouble ; but he was allowed 
to go abroad, where he lived for several years at Mar- 
burg and in Holland. His abilities were such that 
Henry VIII. was ready to promote him if he would 
renounce his opinions. Instead of doing this, he wrote 
a treatise on Purgatory which was sure to bring him 
into collision with Sir Thomas More and Bishop Fisher. 
In 1532 he came over to England, having some business 
to transact with the Prior at Reading. There he was 
seized as a vagrant and put in the stocks ; but a bene- 
volent schoolmaster, struck by his learning, exerted 
himself to obtain his freedom. However, he was too 
well known to escape for long ; and being arrested in 
London, and sent to the Tower, he there occupied him- 
self in writing his views on the Sacrament of the Lord's 
Supper, a work which was the real cause of his death, 
for he repudiated Transubstantiation, and maintained 
the doctrine subsequently adopted in the English 
Prayer Book. Sir Thomas More got possession of 
a copy of his treatise and wrote an answer to it; 
Frith himself was examined by various Bishops ; and 
Cranmer, who afterwards adopted Frith's views, tried to 


persuade him to renounce them. But Frith stood firm, 
and was burnt at Smithfield, July 4, 1533. 

More than twenty years later three other Kingsmen 
followed in his steps. One of these was Laurence 
Saunders, a man of good family, who was apprenticed to 
a London merchant ; but, having a distaste for business 
and an irrepressible yearning for religious truth, he soon 
returned to Cambridge, and studied Greek, Hebrew, 
and the Scriptures. He became first a lecturer in 
Divinity at Fotheringay, and then Rector of a London 
church. It is said of him that on Mary's accession he 
met a certain Dr. Pendleton, and that Saunders con- 
fessed that he doubted his own strength to bear much 
suffering. The doctor reproved him ; but when the 
ordeal came, it was Pendleton who failed and Saunders 
who stood firm. He might have escaped when Sir 
Thomas Wyatt with his army reached Southwark, but 
he considered the insurrection illegal, and would not 
take advantage of it. After fifteen months of imprison- 
ment he was taken to Coventry to be burned. 

At Coventry, too, suffered Robert Glover, a layman 
and a man of some property in the Midlands. His 
arrest was accidental, for his elder brother was named in 
the warrant, but had escaped ; and Robert, who was in 
bad health, was seized in his place. It is evident 
from Glover's letter to his wife that love for her and 
anxiety for his young children's welfare made it difficult 
for him to die. But he refused to recant. Out of 
weakness he was made strong. The fourth Kingsman, 
John Hullier, left the College when still a Scholar ; but 
he afterwards became a Conduct or Chaplain of the 
College, and Vicar of Babraham ; and he is interesting 


as being apparently the only resident who suffered at 
Cambridge in Queen Mary's reign. He was burned on 
Jesus Green. 

Meanwhile, a Commission appointed by Cardinal 
Pole, among whom were the Master of Trinity and the 
Provost of Eton, were visiting Cambridge in order to 
extirpate heresy at its source. Their headquarters were 
at King's College. According to Fuller, they 

"resorted to King's College because the same for the 
worthiness thereof was chief and sovereign of all the 
residue, or else because that house especially, before all 
others, had been counted time out of mind never to be 
without a heretic (as they term them) or twain. And at 
that present time, albeit that many now of late had with- 
drawn themselves from thence, yet they judged there were 
some remaining still." 

At King's they began their proceedings by hearing a 
Mass of the Holy Ghost, two of them occupying the 
Provost's stall and two the Vice-Provost's. There also 
they dined ; but, being anxious to appear as judges 
rather than guests, they " ordered that not more than 
three kinds of meat at most should be prepared." Yet 
" one capon chanced to be served more than was pre- 
scribed, and they thrust it away in great displeasure." 
The Provost, Dr. Brassie, who had already shewn his 
independence of spirit as Vice-Chancellor, by resisting 
a movement on the part of the impoverished Univer- 
sity to sell to the townsmen the privileges which the 
University possessed in St Hi-bridge Fair, is described 
as a " worthy old man both for his wisdom and his hoar 
hairs." He protested against the jurisdiction of the 


Commissioners, and declared that the reformation of his 
house belonged solely to the Bishop of Lincoln. Such 
a protest was not likely to weigh much with men backed 
by the authority of a Cardinal, but it does not seem 
that the Commissioners did much harm. Provost 
Atkinson, a staunch Romanist, who had succeeded Sir 
John Cheke in 1553, and had died of the Plague three 
years later when on a College circuit, had already 
replaced the high Altar, and had perhaps not left much 
for the Commissioners to do. They examined books, but 
it does not appear that they followed Cox's example by 
destroying any. All that is recorded is that the Provost 
and many Fellows "received injunctions and penance 
very grievous to some." 



THE accession of Elizabeth must have been welcomed 
by the Universities, as well as by the nation at large, 
with feelings of relief and hope. Neither learning nor 
discipline was flourishing at Cambridge, and in the 
year 1558-59 only twenty-eight students proceeded to 
the B.A. degree. Dr. Caius, who revisited the Univer- 
sity at this time after a long absence, was struck by the 
change for the worse. He missed the dignified elders 
of former days proceeding to the disputations in the 
schools, attended by the chief members of their respec- 
tive Colleges. 

The undergraduates no longer respectfully saluted 
their seniors from afar and made way for them in the 
streets ; many seemed to have discarded the long gown 
and cap. They wandered about the town, frequenting 
taverns and wine-shops; their nether garments were 
of gaudy colours ; they gambled and ran into debt. 
Though the study of Greek had been introduced half a 
century ago, yet the number of the parish clergy who 
understood even Latin was small. Elizabeth and her 
Ministers were determined to improve this state of 
things, and in particular to promote the study of 


theology at the Universities. The character of that 
theology could not fail to be affected by the Continental 
Protestantism which the exiled divines now brought 
back to England ; and it was perhaps in order to shew 
that she did not mean to break entirely with the past 
that Elizabeth authorised the use of a Latin version of 
the Prayer Book in College Chapels. A competent 
translator was found in a Kingsman, Walter Haddon, 
who was reputed to be the best Latin writer of his 
time, and who had lately held the Mastership of Trinity 
Hall and the Regius Professorship of Civil Law. 

In most Colleges the existing Heads declined to take 
the oath of Supremacy, and either resigned or were 
expelled. At King's College it so happened that 
Provost Brassie died. The place had been promised by 
Queen Mary to Richard Grey, Vicar of Withyham ; 
but Elizabeth, while still at Hatfield, nominated Philip 
Baker, a native of Barnstaple, and at this time Rector 
of Elsworth in Huntingdonshire. 

The choice turned out an unfortunate one, and Baker, 
as Vice-Chancellor in 1562, made a bad beginning by 
committing to prison the Vice-Master of Trinity, on 
grounds which proved to be insufficient when an appeal 
was made to the Chancellor. 

The interest which the Queen took in her two Uni- 
versities was shewn by a visit to Cambridge in the 
summer of 1564. At 2 P.M. on August 5, the Queen 
rode in from Haslingfield, and found the members of 
the University lining the street from Queens' College to 
the west door of King's Chapel. Within the Ante- 
chapel stood Provost Baker and others in copes. The 
church itself was hung with tapestry, and the floor 


covered with rushes and carpeting. As soon as Eliza- 
beth reached the west door, William Master, a Fellow of 
King's, and Public Orator, delivered a long Latin speech, 
which the Queen, still seated on her horse, occasionally 
interrupted by comments partly in Latin and partly in 
English. When at last Master stopped, she commended 
him, wondered at his memory, and said she would reply 
in Latin, but her Latin would be false, and they would 
laugh at her. Then the choir sang in English, and the 
whole party moved up into the inner chapel, the Queen 
taking her place under a canopy at the east end. The 
Provost began the Te Deum in English, which was 
solemnly sung in pricksong, the organs playing ; this 
was followed by evensong. The Queen then went out 
by a passage made through a window of the north-east 
side chapel to her lodgings at King's Lodge, receiving 
on her way a present of gloves and comfits. 

The Lodge was a long, low building, standing 
between the east end of the Chapel and the High Street. 
The greater part of it had been built at the same time 
as the old Court ; and an inventory of 1452 specifies 
seven rooms besides a pantry, buttery, and a stable in 
which five horses were kept. To these rooms an oratory 
was soon added ; but before the end of Henry VIII.'s 
reign more extensive improvements were made at the 
south end, including a large room and a gallery, and 
money was spent in hangings and wainscoting. Carter, 
writing as late as 1753, says of it, that " tho' it make 
not so grand an outside appearance as some do, yet 
within few exceed it for grandeur and convenient 
apartments." We may therefore conclude that the 
Queen could not have found more comfortable quarters 


elsewhere. The lower hall was used as a guard- chamber ; 
the room above it became the chamber of presence ; the 
gallery and adjoining rooms served for the Queen's 
lodging. The three days which followed the Queen's 
arrival were devoted to church services, plays, and 
University disputations. On August 6, being a Sunday, 
Elizabeth was naturally present in King's Chapel at a 
Litany and sermon ; in the afternoon she was not 
expected, and the service had already begun, when she 
appeared ; on her arrival it was stopped and begun 
over again. 

On the evening of Sunday the Aulularia of Plautus 
was acted in the Ante-chapel, the Queen sitting against 
the south wall, and some ladies occupying the rood-loft. 
The other plays acted by members of the College were 
Dido., written by a Kingsman, John Rightwise, formerly 
High Master of St. Paul's School, and Ezechias, an 
English play by Nicholas Udall, a former Headmaster 
of Eton. In the disputations held in the Schools, or in 
St. Mary's Church, Kingsmen were again prominent; 
for while Bishop Cox and Dr. Haddon presided in their 
respective faculties, Thomas Preston was the man who 
made the most favourable impression on the Queen. 
He had the advantage of youth and good looks, and 
acted so well in Dido, and " did so genteelly and grace- 
fully dispute before her that she gave him a pension of 
%0 a year besides viii. angels and her hand to kiss." 
The more solid abilities of Cartwright, the other chief 
disputant, were quite eclipsed by the handsome Preston, 
and it is said, though probably without any truth, that 
the disgust which Cartwright felt on this occasion was 
the cause of his subsequent disaffection to the Church. 


If the prominence of Kingsmen on this occasion was 
merely accidental, it is the more remarkable that much 
the same thing happened when the Queen came again 
into the neighbourhood of Cambridge. This was in 
July 1578, at Audley End. The Vice-Chancellor and 
Heads repaired thither in their gowns and hoods, and 
the Public Orator, Mr. Bridgewater, of King's College, 
knelt down and made a speech. After the Queen's 
departure a disputation in philosophy was held before 
Lord Leicester ; and Mr. Fleming, of King's, maintained 
two theses, one of which was "Astra non imponunt 
necessitatem." Whether his argument was directed 
against Astrology or in favour of Free Will is not 
recorded ; but probably both were burning questions at 
that time ; and, if we may accept Sir Walter Scott's 
description of Leicester in Kemlworth as an authentic 
likeness, the Lord High Steward himself must have 
been tempted to enter the lists against Mr. Fleming in 
defence of Astrology. Another Kingsman was Mode- 
rator ; but the Chancellor practically took this duty on 
his own shoulders. 

But before this second visit took place, more prac- 
tical controversies had arisen at Cambridge ; ' for signs of 
disaffection to the Ecclesiastical Settlement were already 
visible in the opposition to wearing a surplice, an oppo- 
sition which was especially conspicuous in St. John's 
and Trinity. From this controversy King's College was 
free ; and one of the Fellows, Bartholomew Clark, LL.D., 
wrote to the Chancellor, protesting against the 
" trifling " " of these surplice and hat fanatics," and 
complaining that the time, which used to be devoted to 
good arts and sciences, was now taken up with j anglings 


" de lana caprina." But the Kingsmen had troubles of 
their own. For just at this time they were engaged in 
sending to their Visitor, Bishop Bullingham, a com- 
plaint against their Provost ; and in 1565 the Bishop 
held a visitation. At the same time, feeling perhaps 
that it was a bold measure to impugn the conduct of a 
Head who had been chosen by Elizabeth herself, eleven 
of the Fellows wrote to the Secretary, Cecil, to make it 
clear that it was no objection to the "habits "that 
induced them to act so ; but 

" our care is for the promoting of Religion, which for a long 
time hath been of little or no account with us ; and our own 
private domestic Concerns are now become in so bad and 
difficult a state that the safety of the whole College is in 

The charges brought before the Visitor against Baker 
were, that he never preached, though a D.D., that he 
had no regard to Divinity in others, nor had caused the 
Fellows to study it ; that no Sacrament was adminis- 
tered, but once, or at most twice, in the whole year. 
The Conducts and singing men were manifestly Papists, 
his own guests the most suspected Papists, and it was 
added that he used one Mr. Wool ward, then a Conduct 
and afterwards a Fellow of Eton, " verie extremely," 
because he refused to celebrate the service at the Com- 
munion with his face towards the East and his back 
towards the Congregation. It further appeared that 
Baker had already been deprived of the Living of St. 
Andrew's, in London, for refusing to renounce the Pope 
and his doctrine. The Visitor admonished the Provost, 
and enjoined him to destroy a great deal of Popish 


stuff, as Mass books, graduals, copes, crosses, pixes, c., 
" which the Provost did not perform, but kept them in 
a secret corner " ; for, as he shrewdly remarked on 
another occasion, " that which hath bin may be 

Four years passed, and the complaints were renewed, 
but this time the Fellows applied to Grindal, Bishop of 
London, and Visitors were appointed by the Queen. 
New charges were now added to the old list. The 
Provost was said to have shown favouritism in preferring 
a Junior Regent to be Proctor, and tyranny in stopping 
the B. A. degrees of four young Fellows who had opposed 
him ; it was added that he had taken bribes in letting 
College leases, and in other ways had fraudulently 
enriched himself at the cost of the Society. He would 
let no one go with him to the College Courts, kept all 
profits to himself, and charged five times as much for 
his circuit expenses as had heretofore been done. In 
performing his duties in the University he was, to say 
the least, slack. 

" His rare frequenting of sermons, and continuall absence 
from all disputations is so intolerable that in every sermon 
almost he is cried owte of, and sometimes touched by name 
to the no small infamie of the College. Whereas he should 
be a disputer at Commencement, two or three days before 
he flieth the towne, so that herein he is as infamous as in 
his not preaching." 

So notorious was his conduct that at one Commence- 
ment he had been described as "pistori quam pastori 
similior." The fact that Baker was at heart a Romanist 
will account for most of his shortcomings. A man with 


his views could neither preach himself, nor could he 
conscientiously insist on the punctual performance of 
the Reformed Service in his Chapel. Possibly he might 
have been able to answer the charges of peculation. 
But it would have been useless. He was evidently out 
of harmony with the' new order of things. He hardly 
waited to be deprived of his office, but fled abroad, 
giving, however, a last proof of his integrity by resigning 
the College money and plate which was in his custody, 
and even sending back the College horses which carried 
him to the seaside. " Nothing in his life became him 
like the leaving it." 

The field being now clear, the College lost no time in 
applying both to the Chancellor and to the Queen for 
leave to elect Roger Goad, a former Fellow, who was 
now Master of the Grammar School at Guildford. 
Leave was given ; and in 1569 the new Provost began 
his long reign of forty-one years. The influence of a 
strong will soon made itself felt. The Statute, which 
required Fellows of a certain standing to be " diverted " 
to divinity, law, or physic, had been much neglected. 
It was now enforced, and the number of clerical Fellows 
and qualified Preachers rapidly increased. The Library 
had been " utterly spoiled." Goad caused a " fair new 
Library to be made in the Southern side chapels, and 
furnished it with books, especially of divinity." The 
"old copes and Popish stuff" which the last Provost 
had secreted were sold for this purpose, and no charge 
entailed on the College. The Deans having failed to 
lecture diligently, two of the younger M.A.s were 
appointed to read Philosophy Lectures to Bachelors and 
senior students. There was a Greek Lecture daily, 


and Hebrew Lectures for divinity students. The 
Provost himself read a Divinity Lecture three times 
a week at morning prayers in Chapel ; and every 
Thursday, between 4 and 5 P.M., one of the clerical 
Fellows catechised, the whole College being obliged to 

It would be interesting, if it were possible, to ascer- 
tain how the undergraduates employed their time when 
left to themselves. Perhaps something may be inferred 
as to their habits from the list of prohibitions which we 
find in a compendium issued by Goad, as Vice-Chan- 
cellor, in 1595. The "hurtful and unscholarly exer- 
cise 1 ' of football was forbidden except within each 
College and between members of the same College. 
Students were forbidden to keep a dog within College 
or without, or to resort to bull-baiting, bear-baiting, 
common bathing-places, &c. ; to carry guns, cross-bows, 
or to shoot in Cambridge or out of it. No student was 
to wear long or curled locks, great cuffs, velvet breeches, 
or any other coloured apparel, but their caps, hoods and 
habits. Bachelors and undergraduates were forbidden 
to cover their heads at sermons. The objection to 
bathing strikes us as particularly strange, and it was 
one of the Provost's earliest enactments. For there is a 
College order of 1571 forbidding all members of the 
College, including servants and Choristers, to enter any 
stream, pool, or water, within the county of Cambridge, 
for the purpose of swimming or bathing, either by day 
or night. The penalty for a first offence was a severe 
flogging in Hall in the presence of the whole Society ; 
while seniors, who broke this law, sat in the stocks in 
Hall for a day. A second offence entailed expulsion. 


It had so happened that a very promising son of Walter 
Haddon, admitted to the College in 1567, had been 
drowned while " washing himself in a Place in the river 
Cham called Paradise " ; and this accident may in some 
measure account for the severity of the new rule. 
Mr. Mullinger, however, observes that the river did 
possess considerable attractions, though of a kind 
differing from those of the present day. The fishing 
belonged to the town ; but the members of the Univer- 
sity seem to have been shameless poachers ; and perch 
and pike were freely caught and eaten. They even 
went so far as to break the nets of the men to whom 
the Corporation had leased the right of fishing, and to 
drive them out of their boats. The prohibition of 
fierce birds within the College perhaps indicates that 
the students were given to hawking as well as fishing. 
Mr. Wordsworth thinks that undergraduates enjoyed 
about as much liberty as public-school boys now do. 
They had to attend morning and evening prayer in 
Chapel, as well as early dinner and supper in Hall. 
Their dormitories were not altogether private. In 
King^s College the Scholars and young Fellows were 
quartered in chambers, each of which accommodated 
four inmates, and bore some distinctive name, such as 
" The Tolebothe," " Horakeeper's Inn," " Barber's Inn," 
&c. The Fellows 1 chambers held two instead of four 
beds. Something like bullying seems occasionally to 
have gone on within these chambers; for in 1624 a 
B. A. was accused of maltreating " et verbis et pugnis " 
a M.A. Fellow " in propria ipsius camera et lecto exis- 
tentem." Of course the appeal to the fist was more 
common in those days; one Scholar, in 1590, is in 


trouble " pro percussione enormi Jacob! Scarlett 
Chorustae " ; and there is more than one instance of an 
undergraduate dealing in the same way with one of 
the butlers. But the offences detailed in the College 
Records are for the most part slight. Absence without 
leave from Chapel or from College, indecorous dress, 
quarrelsome conduct, impertinence or disobedience to 
the authorities were common enough ; and sometimes a 
Fellow would take advantage of a sermon at St. Mary's, 
or an exercise in the Chapel, to speak disrespectfully 
of his College officers. But there are periods during 
which there is no sign even of the most trivial mis- 

A change had, moreover, taken place in the class of 
students who resorted to Colleges ; they were no longer 
universally poor. Rich men's sons, if they had come to 
the University at all, had formerly frequented hostels ; 
but the comforts of College life had now induced many 
of them to become members of Colleges ; and the 
introduction of such a class would naturally tend to a 
demand for greater liberty and more amusement. To 
a certain extent this would be counteracted by the age 
of the students, which was still that of schoolboys 
rather than undergraduates. It may be doubted, how- 
ever, whether this social change had greatly affected 
King's College; the class who passed from Eton to 
King's probably remained much the same as before, and 
the age at which they came to College continued, as in 
the earliest days, to vary from 15 to 19. 

But, besides the Fellows and Scholars, there was in 
the College a small but important body of Fellow- 
Commoners. Their number, which depended on the 


accommodation in certain chambers assigned to them, 
was never to exceed twelve. Strict rules were made in 
1577 and 1578, by which the Tutor was made respon- 
sible for a Fellow-Commoner's dues to the College, and 
was liable (together with his pupil) to be put out of 
Commons if he failed to pay the Bursar. Only those 
were admitted Fellow-Commoners who on examination 
were found fit for " logique," according to the Univer- 
sity Statutes. They began by giving a silver cup of four 
marks 1 price, which they used themselves in Hall, but 
which afterwards became the property of the College. 
At dinner and supper they took their places after the 
Masters and Bachelors ; in Chapel they sat in the 
lower stalls next beneath (i.e., immediately to the east 
of) the Choir. At Christmas 1598 there were six 
Fellow-Commoners, and two who are called Scholar- 
Commoners. This last was a position which a boy 
elected to a Scholarship from Eton would sometimes 
hold while waiting for an actual vacancy in the Scholar- 
ships ; but it seems clear that most of the Scholar- 
Commoners corresponded to the Pensioners of the 
present day. At Eton, in the same way, the original 
Commensales were either of the Fellow-Commoner 
class, and dined in Hall at the second table with the 
Chaplains, Usher, and Clerks ; or else took their meals, 
at a lower tariff, with the College boys. But, whereas 
at Eton this last class grew into the hundreds of Oppi- 
dans, at KingX on the other hand, the Scholar-Com- 
moners, for whom it must always have been difficult to 
find room within the College buildings, do not seem 
to have lasted beyond the close of the seventeenth 


From the list of 1598 it appears that, besides the 
regular number of Deans and Bursars, there were four 
Lecturers ; the Greek Lecturer, Miles Raven, being also 
a Student of Astronomy. There were two students in 
law and one in medicine. The rest of the Society was 
occupied with theology or arts ; but so young were the 
members, that out of seventy as many as twenty-three 
were still B.A.s, and the same number undergraduates. 
The oldest Fellow, who was also Vice-Provost, had come 
up from Eton in 1577, eight years after the election to 
the Provostship of Roger Goad, who must have seemed 
a patriarch to those over whom he presided. 

About the time of Goad's election an important 
exchange had been made in the College property. The 
Manor of Withy ham, in Sussex, had been made over 
to Lord Buckhurst, and the College had acquired in its 
stead the Manor of Sampford Courtenay, in the heart 
of Devonshire. The new property was the most dis- 
tant, and almost the largest which the College now 
owned. The College had not been in possession for 
many years before pressure was put on them to grant a 
lease of it to the Queen. The Fellows were inclined to 
give way, but the Provost stood firm. This was not a 
solitary instance. A few years before, the College had 
found it necessary to write to Lord Burghley, the 
Chancellor, begging him to use his influence with the 
Queen, to excuse them from leasing the Rectory of 
Barton to one Skinner. They urged that they had 
already promised to let part of the tithes to an old 
Kingsman, who had done special services to the College, 
and part to a present member who was about to quit 
the University. Moreover, they felt bound to add 


something to the stipend of the Vicar, so that the 
parish might enjoy a resident Minister " qui et moribus 
suis ad virtutem et doctrina sua ad religionem plebecu- 
lam Bartonensem adhortari possit." Ten or twelve 
years before this they had given the Queen and Chan- 
cellor a different reason for not granting a lease to a 
member of the Carey family. In this case the farm 
was said to be one out of which exceptional profits 
could be made, and without such extraordinary receipts 
it was impossible for the College to pay its way. A 
Tudor Sovereign like Elizabeth, whose father had con- 
fiscated ecclesiastical property without shame, was not 
likely to feel any scruple in trying to make a little 
profit out of Colleges, either for herself or her friends ; 
but it is more remarkable that the College saw no harm 
in doing a good turn to individual Fellows or ex-Fellows 
at the cost of the common purse. 

We must now turn to the College dissensions which 
unfortunately mark the history of Goad's Provostship. 
Their origin is obscure. One naturally suspects, in 
those days, some difference in religious doctrine or 
discipline, but there is little or no trace of this in the 
records which have come down to us. Perhaps the 
previous anarchy obliged the Provost to exert a strict- 
ness which made him unpopular ; and the youth of the 
Fellows, which has been already mentioned, might 
induce them to be turbulent, while it would make it 
more difficult for them to appreciate the views of one 
so -much their senior. This is the explanation which 
Fuller gives : 

" no wonder," he writes, "young Scholars swelled against 
him, who bound them hard to the observation of the 


Statutes. He had many contests with the young Fire of 
this College, chiefly because he loved their good, better 
than they themselves." 

We shall see, too, that the pressure of poverty, or at 
least a desire for a larger share in the receipts of the 
College, had something to do with the troubles. 

These began in 1576, when four Fellows preferred 
articles against their Provost, which the Visitor (Bishop 
Cooper) declined to entertain. He wrote to Lord 
Burghley to this effect, whereupon the Chancellor him- 
self took up the matter, and pronounced the charges to 
be false and scandalous. Two of the four complainants 
were imprisoned in the Gatehouse at Westminster, and 
the apologies which they made are still extant. The 
charges had turned chiefly on supposed peculations, and 
Latin libels had been posted on the door of the Lodge, 
imputing such faults to Goad. But some of the accu- 
sations were evidently of a more frivolous kind, to judge 
by the Provost's answers. He justifies himself for 
having a wife at the Lodge, and says she has never 
twice been within the " Quadrant " of the College. He 
had not dined in Hall on Easter Day, and it was said 
that he meant to absent himself from Hall on all 
festivals ; his answer is, that he had been requested by 
the Vice-Chancellor to preach at St. Mary's; and it 
may be inferred that he stayed at home to write, or 
think over his sermon. He was also accused of exces- 
sive riding ; but he naturally asks, why should he not 
use the " geldings " which the College kept for him ? 
Fault was found because a new dove-house had brought 
no profit to the College ; he replies that, " thei which 


have eni experience know it must have a time to be 
stored, being but lately buylt." Even Burghley may 
have found it difficult to hear such charges with 
gravity, especially if he was told of a certain Mr. Lakys, 
who joined the four ringleaders in their mutiny. The 
Provost had punished him with a week's loss of com- 
mons for wearing next under his gown a 

" cut taffety doublet of the fashion with the sleeves out, 
and a great payer of gallygastion hose. And yet this pun- 
ishment hath ever sence stuk in his mynd, as hath appeared 
by his sundry expostulacions with me about that matter ; 
such is his stout nature and impatience to be reproved when 
he doth amisse." 

There was, however, one of the four complainants 
who, if we may judge by his later career, was not likely 
to bring absolutely trivial accusations. This was Giles 
Fletcher, and in his apology of May 22, 1576, made to 
the Chancellor, he still maintains that he had seen the 
most promising students neglected and spoiled by bad 
examples, while the idle and profligate escaped punish- 
ment ; though he admits that the Provost himself is an 
excellent man, and, if he would trust to his own judg- 
ment, perfectly fair. Fletcher's real complaint seems, 
therefore, to have been against the officers of the 
College who had misled the Provost, and whose influence 
had caused misgovernment. Another of the four, and 
a much less respectable witness, was Robert Lilesse, 
who was not content with making mischief within his 
own College, but having libelled some M.A. was, in 
1583, summoned before the Vice-Chancellor and Heads, 
and banished for ever from the University. This 


expulsion entailed the loss of his Fellowship, and ten 
years afterwards he induced the Chancellor to take 
some steps for his restoration. The question was 
referred to the Visitor, who writes to Lord Burghley 
from Buckden, Sept. 27, 1594, that he found Robert 
Lilesse undeserving of restoration, and begs Lord 
Burghley to ^vithdraw from his encouragement, with 
the hope and confidence of which Lilesse " began to be 
swoln and puffed up." 

By this time, i.e., in 1594, the old dissensions had 
reappeared in the College in an aggravated form ; and 
the Visitor, Bishop Wickham, writing to Lord Burghley, 
speaks of his sorrow at finding on a visit to Cambridge 
" most strange insolencies and immodesties far different 
from the ancient reverence and humility towards their 
superiors." In December of this same year he read to 
the College a memorandum containing orders for the 
better management of public meetings, for securing a 
due distinction between Seniors and Juniors (the new 
Parlour and Laundress Yard being reserved for the use 
of the former), and for preventing the habit of discuss- 
ing the private affairs of the College before strangers. 
Some of the Fellows had not confined themselves to 
dangerous language. They had even snatched money 
from the Bursars, and laid hands on bread and beer at 
the Buttery. Six or seven had taken horses violently 
out of the stable and ridden them abroad at their 

This was the last effort of Bishop Wickham as a 
peacemaker, for he was translated to the See of 
Winchester the next year and died within a few 
months. He had once been a Fellow both of King's 



and Eton. Sir John Harington tells us that, as Vice- 
Provost of Eton, he would teach the School in the 
Headmaster's absence, and that he shewed a fatherly 
care of the boys. He was 

" a very milde and good natured man, and esteemed a very 
good Preacher, and free from that which St. Paul calleth 
Idolatry, I mean covetousness ; so that one may say 
probably, that as the first William Wykeham was one of 
the richest Prelates that had been in Winchester a long 
time and bestowed it well, so this was one of the poorest 
and endured it well." 

His charity was in advance of his generation ; for when 
he preached at the funeral of Mary Queen of Scots, 
Martin Marprelate taunted him with having expressed 
a hope that his auditors might hereafter meet the de- 
parted Queen, "an unrepentant Papist, 11 in heaven. 
Such a man was not likely to use his Visitatorial powers 
with undue harshness, and perhaps a firmer hand and 
the adoption of more stringent measures might have 
averted the serious outbreak, which must be described 
in the next chapter. 



Ix the spring of 1602 civil war again broke out in the 
College. The Fellows were dissatisfied both with the 
management of the College property and with their 
own share in the profits. They complained that they 
received only ^3 15s. a year apiece ; many of them 
not having a penny besides for apparel, books, &c. 
From this discontent a custom had arisen of attaching 
some condition to their votes at the sealing of leases, 
so as to intercept part of the fines paid by the tenants, 
which would otherwise have gone into the Common 
Purse. It was, in fact, a movement, irregular and un- 
constitutional in character, towards the modern system 
of dividends. 

The Provost, at a meeting in February of this year, 
gave notice that he would not allow any Fellow hence- 
forward to give " a conditional or ambiguous voice " ; 
but several such votes were immediately given, and on 
the same day thirty Fellows petitioned their Visitor to 
reconsider an interpretation of the 46th Statute, which 
Bishop Wickham had made. This was to the effect 
that on all important questions the whole body of 
Fellows must be summoned ; and that, if they were not 
unanimous on any matter, it should be settled by a 


majority of the thirteen Senior Fellows. The Junior 
party would have accepted this decision if, in the 
absence of any of the thirteen, the next in seniority 
had been summoned to the final decision ; but the late 
Visitor's words had made it clear that this was not to 
be done, so that the Provost and seven others might 
conceivably impose their will on the whole Society, 
without even hearing arguments on the other side. 
The petition was rejected, and in May of the following 
year, 1603, the Provost and Seniors themselves asked 
the Visitor, Bishop Chaderton, to intervene, and urged 
that there was a kind of mutiny among the younger 
Fellows. A visitation immediately followed, with the 
usual forms of " articles of inquiry " and " present- 

It was evident that the desire for a dividend lay at 
the root of the quarrel. To this the Provost and 
Seniors reply : 

" As for the surplusage remaining in the year's end there 
is some competent quantity left in the charge of the Baker 
and Bruer. But as for other surplusage to be divided (as 
divers of the company have dreamed they might have) the 
truth is, this is so fair of, that the College runneth more 
and more in great detryments yearly above Statute allow- 
ance ... to the sum, of late years, of iieer 300 per 
annum . . . which intolerable burthen, as it increaseth 
yearly, so it had great need be provided for in time, or 
else it will prove a Canker consuming and eating out the 
Bowells of this College." 

Accordingly they request the Visitor's "effectual 
help, 11 and complain that the more part of the company, 


instead of practising frugality, have broken out into 
open dissension for their dividend. 

The Provost had also several charges to prefer against 
individual Fellows. One had made an offensive oration 
in the public schools, aimed at the present state and 
government of the College; another had used his 
sermon at St. Mary's for the same purpose ; a third had 
presumed to come to meals in Hall when he had been 
put out of commons. A fourth "has a scandalous 
report for his trade of usury." Three Fellows had used 
"unlawful gaming," even drawing some of the young 
Bachelors to play with them, and had frequented a 
house in the town for the purpose of card playing, not 
without a suspicion of more serious immorality. One 
Fellow, a Mr. Hinde, having received a legacy of %0 a 
year, persisted in retaining his Fellowship. 

Within a few days the Visitor called the Society into 
the Chapel and delivered an address. While some 
points were reserved for future consideration, he pro- 
ceeded to inflict penalties on the chief offenders without 
delay. Presently he called forth three Fellows, Wood- 
yere, Saunders, and Hinde, as idle misspenders of their 
time and non-proficient in their studies, and discom- 
muned them "usque ad condignam emendacionem." 
This was more than the mutineers could bear. Wood- 
yere said, " We do appeal to the King," and this cry 
was taken up clamorously by many others. The 
Provost reminded them that such an appeal was 
contrary to their oaths, but they persisted. Some of 

" took exceptions against my Lord of Lincoln as a partiall 
and suspected Judge, for being a mere friend to Mr. 


Provost, for admitting him to sit as assistant in examina- 
tions, and for treating of the lesser matters and omitting 
the weightier." 

Woodyere followed this up by challenging the Provost 
openly for alienating the College lands, and for retaining 
farmers' money for the space of nineteen years. Another 
Fellow, Griffin, joined Woodyere in exclaiming against 
the Provost for oppression and injustice. It was a 
scene of wild confusion, and the Bishop was hardly 
equal to the emergency. Eventually, " being therewith 
very much disquieted," and not being able to restore 
order even by offering to respite the punishments, he 
left his seat and departed. 

It was probably on the next day that the Provost 
and Seniors determined to send a petition to the Privy 
Council, and in particular to warn the Archbishop of 
Canterbury and Mr. Secretary Cecil, that the younger 
Fellows were on the point of appealing to the King. 
The Juniors, however, were determined to be beforehand 
in getting the ear of the authorities in London. So, 
rising at 4 A.M. on May 9, they went to the College 
stables, overpowered or intimidated the stable-boy, and 
violently took out 

" two College geldings, which Mr. Provost should have 
used to London the same day, taking them against Mr. 
Provost's prohibition, alledging that they had a warrant 
from the more part of the Fellows." 

Lisle and Griffin were the two who rode off to London 
to transact their business ; and on their return, which 
seems not to have been till June, they added insult to 
injury by presenting their bill of charges to the 


Provost, and claiming that it should be paid as College 

It must have been an uncomfortable summer at 
King^s ; but, to make matters worse, a new controversy 
arose in August. A frequent but unwelcome visitor, 
the Plague, had appeared in Cambridge ; and the Pro- 
vost and Seniors decided, on the 13th, that the College 
should break up till November 1 ; each Fellow receiv- 
ing 2s. 8d. per week, and each Scholar 2s., in lieu of 
commons. This decision was confirmed by the Visitor, 
who sent Commissioners to the College on August 19 
to announce the fact. Then there ensued in the Chapel 
a second edition of the tumult of May 7, with cries of 
" There is no authority nor Statute to drive us from 
the College, and we will not go but withstand it." 

Between twenty and thirty of them, one being 
Samuel Collins, the future Provost, appealed to the 
Visitor, urging, among other pleas, that " We are many 
poor, many orphans, and friendless, many Londoners, 
and know not whither to go but into places still more 
dangerous." Of course the Provost also wrote to assure 
the Visitor that the danger was serious, and he com- 
plained of fresh misconduct on the part of Lisle, which 
occurred under the following circumstances : The 
Electors at Eton, considering Hinde's Fellowship as 
vacant, had announced and filled up seven vacancies. 
On August25 there was a meeting in the Hall to admit 
the new Scholars, when Lisle behaved so turbulently 
that the Provost retired to the Lodge to complete the 
business. Nor was Lisle's language more conciliatory 
than his conduct ; for when one of the Seniors asked 
him what authority he had for disbelieving the Provost, 


who affirmed that there were seven vacancies, he 
answered, " What if Mr. Provost say it is night, when 
I see the sunshine at noonday, am I bound to believe 
it ? " 

Some of the younger Fellows, in spite of College 
orders, and although most of them had already received 
their money allowance in lieu of commons, persisted in 
remaining in residence till the end of August, taking 
their meals in the Hall, and bread and drink at their 
pleasure out of the Buttery ; so disturbing the Seniors 
that the latter " were fain to withdraw themselves and 
take their dyett in the Provost's lodging."" 

After this the College seems really to have been 
broken up for a time, and towards the end of October 
the Provost and Seniors found it necessary to extend 
the period till January 13, that being the day fixed by 
the University, and the King having given strict orders 
to the County Justices to avoid all occasions of spread- 
ing the contagion. 

The new notice had probably not reached all whom 
it concerned. At any rate some returned to College, 
and the Provost called them to the " Wainscot Hall " 
in the Lodge on November 3 ; and, after objecting to 
the presence of Mr. Hinde as being no Fellow, ex- 
plained to them the necessity of obeying the order, 
confirmed by the Visitor, to be absent till January ; 
and he offered to pay the travelling expenses of any 
who had come back in ignorance. However, Messrs. 
Sheaf, Griffin, and Woodyere insisted on their right to 
remain ; and Woodyere said that, as the Provost had 
lately dined at an inn with the Vice-Chancellor and 
Proctors, and also kept his family in College, there 


could be no great danger of infection. The meeting 
was now becoming disorderly, and the Provost had to 
retire into the next room, and 

" so entring the door, which he would have pulled after 
him, Mr. Sheaff laid hould thereupon to keep it open, to 
what end is not known, but to have followed him in with 
his trayne, had not the auditor Mr. Brooks been sitting 
apparent and to be seen." 

The presence of the Auditor may have been a momen- 
tary check to bad manners, but the Audit itself gave 
the malcontents some further opportunities of dis- 
tinguishing themselves ; especially to Hinde, who 
intruded into meetings, and presumed, in preference 
of his claim to commons money, to set upon Mr. 
Raven, one of the Bursars, 

" mistrusting no such matter, in his own chamber, and 
violently throwing him down on the floore drew out his 
knife and cutt of the bottom of a bagge, which he held fast 
in his hand, with the College money in it, and took 
thereof the sum of 27 shillings." 

Things had now reached such a pitch that King 
James thought it time to interpose. A Stuart King 
was not likely to regard with favour any movement 
against authority, and he wrote to the Bishop of Lin- 
coln to say that he was shocked by the state of things. 
" We have some reason to impute part of these con- 
tinued disorders to your sufferance and remissness." 
The Bishop is charged to visit the College and to take 
strong measures, reporting offenders to the Council if 
necessary ; these dissensions having " caused great 
scandal and evil example to the whole University." 


The Bishop accordingly held another visitation in 
the Chapel on January 25, 1604 ; but the rebels de- 
clined to give way, declaring that the King had been 
misled, and appealing "from the King misinformed to 
the King better informed. 1 ' At the same time John 
Griffin and William Woodyere did not lose the oppor- 
tunity offered by the Bishop's visit to drive home their 
countercharges. If there was a weak joint in the 
Provost's armour, it was in his management of the 
property, and here Griffin and his partner directed 
their main attack. That the Provost had left off going 
on circuit might be excused on the score of his age ; 
but he had persuaded the Society to buy a farm at 
Coton, which he promised would bring in 80 a year ; 
and the purchase had turned out a bad bargain. More 
serious than this misjudgment was the fact that for 
twelve years he had kept in his own hands a farm at 
Grant Chester, paying the College the old rent for it, 
though it was now worth much more. A former 
Visitor had told him that he ought either to take a 
fresh lease for it or let it to others. But this direction 
had been ignored. It was not the first time that the 
Provost had been accused of feathering his own nest. 
When Queen Elizabeth had applied for the lease of 
Sampford Courtenay, it was said that the Provost " had 
the commodities for fines of copyholders to himself," 
and that this was the real reason why the application 
was refused. If there was any truth in this story, 
it must mean that some percentage of the fines was 
retained by the Provost; and the fact that such a 
story could be told may perhaps throw some light 
on his conduct in the case of the Grantchester Farm. 


Scrupulous delicacy in money matters does not seem to 
have been a common virtue in the Elizabethan age. 

The Bachelors of the College had also grievances to 
present to the Visitor. The Provost and Vice-Provost 
are accused of favouritism in assigning chambers. The 
complainants averred that they were discouraged from 
all familiarity with their elders ; that they were strictly 
obliged to wear caps within the College, and that in all 
weathers, and before any company, they must " cap " a 
M.A., even if he is at the farthest end of the court. 
They can never take their commons out of Hall as 
others do ; and they are expected to be in their rooms 
from 8 to 9 P.M., to receive visits from the Deans, and 
have sometimes thereby missed a Hebrew Lecture. In 
modern days the visit is generally paid by the person 
in statu pupillary and the loss of a lecture would pro- 
bably not be urged as an aggravation of the burden. 

But the end of the civil war was at last in sight, for 
on Feb. 9 the whole body of Fellows joined in a petition 
to the Visitor " for peace, 11 asking him to compose all 
differences, and promising to pursue an inviolable peace 
with the Head and members of the Society. On the 
following day the Visitor delivered a series of injunc- 
tions, many of which were repeated or amplified at 
a visitation held six years later, in October 1610, 
under the title of " Articles of good husbandrie " and 
" Reformation of manners." 

The attempt of the Juniors to have a place on the 
Seniority, or to attach conditions to their votes, was 
repudiated. All were ordered to dine and sup regularly 
in Hall, except by special leave of the Vice-Provost; 
the habit of taking commons out of Hall having helped 


to create faction and dissension. Still less might men 
carry their commons into the town, a practice which 
had caused the loss of College Plate. A Fellow might, 
however, still bring a friend to the Buttery hatch " in 
moderate sorte," to refresh themselves. The fact that 
Latin is still to be spoken in Hall, and that servants 
are to take their commons there, reminds us that we 
are hardly yet out of mediaeval times. While such 
measures were ordered to promote economy or unity, 
others aimed at the development of the College estates. 
Two yearly circuits are enjoined. Inquiry is to be 
made as to the management of woods, and competent 
legal advice to be taken on the still more serious 
question of granting copyholds. And here the advice 
of Mr. John Lowe, of the Inner Temple, confirmed the 
College in its traditional practice, and emphatically 
condemned the notion of converting copyhold into 
leasehold tenures. His view was that, if such a policy 
were adopted, the tenements and lands would be in 
such a deplorable state before the copyholds fell in, 
that the College would find no tenants. And if the 
College would gain nothing, society in general would 
certainly be injured; the depopulation of the country 
which would result from ousting the copyholders would 
be a national loss ; and there would be much distress, 
begging, and vagrancy among the ejected families. 

The Visitor's injunctions also provided for greater 
regularity in lectures and exercises, it being the duty of 
the "Presidents of Lower Chambers" to superintend 
the studies of the Scholars who inhabited them, and to 
take care that there were no "non-proficients." Idle 
Fellows and Scholars were to be punished and reformed, 


and none to be allowed to practise merchandising or 
other trading. No one was to frequent taverns. Those 
who came in after the keys had been carried to the 
Provost were to be mulcted or discommuned. Cards 
and all gaming were forbidden. Only the thirteen 
Seniors might use the Seniors 1 Parlour, Orchard, or 
Garden; and so far from granting any relief to the 
Juniors in respect of their head-dress, the Visitor 
ordered all Bachelors and Scholars to take off their caps 
to M. A.s in the Chapel yard and walks, not putting them 
on till they had leave ; and not to wear caps at all in 
the presence of any M. A. Fellow within the Inner Court. 
Such was the general settlement. But the hand of 
justice fell heavily on individual offenders. John 
Griffin and William Woodyere were ejected from their 
Fellowships by the Visitor at once. Lisle escaped for 
the moment, but four years later was declared by the 
Provost to have forfeited his Fellowship by being in 
possession of a Manor at Great Wilbraham worth more 
than ^5 a year. As for Edmund Hinde, his case had 
already been heard, on July 12, 1603, by the Provost 
and officers. It was found that he had inherited a 
"faire Inn near Holborne Bridge" called the Queen's 
Arms, the annual value of which was more than ^?5; 
and though Hinde fenced with the questions put to 
him and tried to evade any admissions fatal to his 
cause, the evidence was too strong; he was ejected, and 
the decision was ratified by the Visitor on Jan. 30, 
1604. One Henry Howgrave also got into trouble for 
insulting the Provost. A report had arisen that Goad 
was to be made Dean of Windsor, on which Howgrave 
remarked that Mr. Provost had been a thief all his life, 


and would now be a Dean of thieves. Howgrave's own 
account of the conversation gave it rather a different 
colour ; but he was discommuned, and had to make an 
apology. He was probably an extreme Puritan, for a 
few years later he was again punished for libellous 
language against the Bishops, and for calling Arch- 
bishop Bancroft " Antichrist. 11 

The last event recorded in Roger Goad's long reign 
indicates that the disorders of King's College had 
infected other Colleges also. A comedy was being 
acted before a distinguished company in the Hall on 
February 28, 1606. Stones were thrown at the Hall 
windows, a crowd of Scholars and others hooted and 
shouted for two hours ; windows were broken, and a 
post of timber was pulled up and used as a battering- 
ram to break a strong gate. The Vice- Chancellor and 
Heads made order that any one convicted of having 
taken part in the riot should have his degrees suspended, 
or be corrected with the rod in the Schools, or (if a 
townsman) be put in the stocks in the bull-ring. 

One cannot but regret that the closing years of 
Provost Goad's rule, which in the opinion of so great 
an authority as Mr. Mullinger " was attended with the 
utmost advantage and credit to his College and the 
University," should have been darkened by the long 
and acrimonious dissensions which have been described. 
In spite of this, however, no Fellowships were more 
prized than those at King's, whether for their value or 
their social advantages. Music, rather than theology, 
is said to have been the favourite study of the Fellows. 
The practice of music, however, did not, in this case, 
produce either harmony or unison. 


The worth of a College must be judged in no small 
degree by the character of the men whom it sends into 
the world outside, and there was no lack of prominent 
Kingsmen during Elizabeth's reign. In Church and 
State alike they did good service. Mitres were, no 
doubt, plentiful at the opening of this era ; but still it 
is remarkable that within one year Archbishop Parker 
consecrated three Kingsmen. Of these, Cox has been 
already described. Edmund Guest, who became Bishop 
of Rochester, had a large share in the Revision of the 
Prayer Book in 1559, and in framing the Thirty-nine 
Articles ; unlike Cox, he seems to have leant towards 
Luther's view of the Eucharist, and he was unlike him 
also in dying poor and unmarried. William Alley, 
who during Mary's reign had supported himself by 
practising medicine in Northern England, now became 
Bishop of Exeter, and took part in the translation of 
the Bible in 1561. A generation, however, passed 
before another such appointment was made, for it 
was not till 1595 that William Day became Bishop of 
Winchester. His elder brother, also a Kingsman, had 
been Bishop of Chichester and was a staunch Romanizer. 
William adopted quite opposite views, and rose to be 
Provost of Eton in 1561, where he lost no time in 
pulling down a tabernacle of stone in the body of the 
church and in whitening Dr. Lupton's chapel. In his 
exercise of patronage he does not seem to have been so 
much of a Puritan, for when on one occasion he 
broke his leg, by a fall from a horse that started under 
him, some waggish Scholars observed that it was a just 
punishment, because the horse was given him by a 
gentleman to place his son at Eton. It may be hoped, 


however, that the present was made as a token of the 
father's gratitude, and after the boy's admission to 

But the most eminent Kingsman of this reign was 
Francis Walsingham, who, after an education at his own 
home near Chislehurst, entered King's as a Fellow- 
Commoner in 1548. There he resided during parts of 
two years, under the care of Thomas Gardiner, one of 
the Fellows. He did not stay to take a degree, but 
travelled on the Continent, where, by making himself 
master of foreign languages and customs, he fitted him- 
self for the important parts which he afterwards played 
both as a diplomatist and a Minister. He did not 
forget his old College, although the connexion had 
been so short, but presented the Library with a copy 
of the Antwerp Polyglott of 1569-73. To the College 
lately founded by his brother-in-law, Sir Walter Mild- 
may, he made the more substantial gift of the Advow- 
son of Thurcaston in Leicestershire. Perhaps he felt 
more confidence in the Protestant character of Emmanuel 
theology, or he may have thought that his own College 
was already sufficiently endowed with livings. 

Another notable servant of the State was Thomas 
Wilson, who was Tutor at King's to the two brothers 
Henry and Charles Brandon. As relations of the royal 
family they might have been useful patrons to Wilson 
in after life ; but unhappily the two lads, while under- 
graduates, were attacked by the sweating sickness. 
They were hastily removed to the Bishop of Lincoln's 
Palace at Buckden, but died within twelve hours of 
each other. Both of the Brandons had attained a 
remarkable proficiency in learning; and Peter Martyr 


considered the elder to be the most promising youth 
of his day, with the exception of Edward VI. During 
Mary's reign Wilson studied civil law at Padua and 
Ferrara, but he was imprisoned at Rome on a charge 
of heresy, and only escaped when the prison took fire 
and the populace broke open the doors. Tradition 
says that for some time Wilson tried in vain to get 
employment from Lord Burghley. At last Elizabeth, 
wishing to animate her subjects against Philip of 
Spain, inquired for some one who could translate the 
Philippics of Demosthenes, and Wilson was chosen for 
the purpose. The story must be legendary, for before 
this time Wilson was Master of St. Catharine's Hospital, 
M.P. in 1563, and Ambassador in Portugal in 1567; 
but it is true that a translation of the Philippics by him 
was printed in 1570. However, Wilson's literary fame 
rests on two earlier works, the Rule of Reason and Arte 
of Rhetorique, both of them very able and witty 
treatises, which were popular in the sixteenth century. 
In the Rhetorique he tells, or perhaps invents, a story 
of his own early days : , 

"When I was in Cambridge and student in the King's 
College, there came a man out of the town with a pint of 
wine in a pottle pot, to welcome the Provost of that 
House, lately come from Court." 

The speech that was made by the man is quoted by 
Wilson as an example of the absurd misuse of long 
words. It begins quite in Dogberry's vein : 

" Knowing that you are a worshipful Pilate, and keeps a 
bominable house, I thought it my duty to come incanti- 
vantee, and bring you a pottle of wine." 


Wilson afterwards became a Secretary of State, and 
was employed by Elizabeth both in the Low Countries 
and also to investigate the Queen of Scots 1 connexion 
with the Duke of Norfolk's plot. 

Success came still earlier in life to Bartholomew Clark, 
made Dean of Arches before he was 36 years of age. 
The Earl of Leicester, who for some reason was his 
enemy, tried to oust him from his place on the ground 
of his youth; and it must have seemed to Clark a just 
retribution when he was employed on a mission to the 
Low Countries to inquire into the charges made against 
the EarPs government there. He had a friend in Lord 
Buckhurst, who encouraged him to write the History of 
Queen Elizabeth. This he did not do, but he wrote 
an answer to Sandars, who had attacked both the 
English Church and the right of Elizabeth to the 
throne. Clark was an Italian and a French scholar, so 
proficient in the latter tongue, that he was offered a 
Readership at Angers. 

Sir John Harington is one of the most picturesque 
figures of these times. His father and mother had 
been fellow prisoners with Elizabeth in the Tower in 
1554, and he himself was the Queen's godson. Haring- 
ton entered King^s as a Fellow-Commoner in 1576, and 
he speaks of "My learned Tutor Dr. Fleming," the 
same person, doubtless, who disputed before Lord 
Leicester in 1578, and who died in his pulpit at 
Cottenham Church in 1620. In his tastes and abilities 
Harington may perhaps remind us of a better known 
Kingsman of the eighteenth century, Horace Walpole. 
Like him, Harington was fond of society, and a 
favourite in it; a great gossip, and a lively letter- 


writer. But Walpole's vanity never betrayed him into 
the indiscreet actions which mark the career of the 
Somersetshire squire. Harington was an Italian scholar, 
and translated part of the Orlando Furioso, and the trans- 
lation was circulated at Court. Elizabeth reproved her 
" saucy poet " for corrupting the minds of her maids of 
honour, but, with characteristic inconsistency, con- 
demned him to translate the rest of the poem. Her 
poet's improprieties might have been pardoned if in 
one of his writings he had not appeared to reflect on 
the Earl of Leicester; he was thereupon ordered to 
leave the Court till he " had grown sober."" This he 
can hardly be said ever to have achieved, for besides 
being implicated in Essex's proceedings in Ireland he 
had the audacity, in 1606, to propose himself, though a 
layman, to Sir Robert Cecil as a candidate for an Irish 

Harington must have been a strange medley of ill- 
assorted tastes and qualities. He could write sensibly 
on serious subjects, but he was capable of being both 
indecent and profane. His style is generally clear and 
bright, but it is disfigured by puns which would dis- 
grace a schoolboy. While in Ireland with Essex he 
wrote an account of the Irish campaigns which is said 
to have been shewn to the Queen, contrary to the 
author's wishes, and to have led to the ruin of the 
unfortunate Earl. Perhaps the most interesting of his 
works are the letters in which he gives a lifeline de- 
scription of Elizabeth in her old age, and of James I. 
soon after his accession. 

Harington was no friend to the Puritans, and, 
fearing that Prince Henry of Wales might be 


disposed to fulfil the prediction of the then current 
couplet : 

" Henry the VIIT pulled down monks and their cells, 
But Henry the IX th shall pull down Bishops and bells/' 

he drew up, for the Prince's instruction, biographies of 
many of the Bishops since Parker's time, some of whom 
he had known personally. In a letter to the same 
Prince he professes to give, out of old family records, 
some specimens, both of prose and verse, written by 
Henry VI. These would be interesting relics if we 
could trust the source whence they come. Of Haring- 
ton's own epigrams the following is well known ; 

" Treason doth never prosper : what's the reason ? 
Why, if it prosper, none dare call it treason." 

Of Giles Fletcher something has been already said. 
He was a lawyer of sufficient eminence to become 
Chancellor of more than one diocese, but he was better 
known as a diplomatist. After being employed in 
Scotland and Germany, he went, in 1588, on a special 
embassy to Russia, then an almost unknown country. 
Here he succeeded in obtaining great concessions for 
English merchants, but he was himself treated with 
such indignity that Elizabeth sent a formal complaint 
to the Czar. Another result of his ill-treatment was 
that in 1591 he published an account of Russia so 
uncomplimentary that it had to be suppressed, for fear 
of the consequences to the English merchants trading 
in Russia. Poetry ran in the Fletcher family, and in 
the case of Giles it took the form of a Latin poem 
" de Litteris antiquae Britannia?," part of which is 


devoted to an account of Cambridge. The early 
history of his own College is described in the following 
lines : 

" Fortunata domus nimium, si cetera primis 
Aequa forent ! Musis invidit cetera Mayors. 
Aspice quae moles et quae fundamina primi 
Interrupta manent operis ! vix ista feruntur 
Edvardi flexisse minas quin, victor ab hoste 
Cum redit infestis ducens hostilia signis 
Agmina, nil meritis inferret bella Camcenis, 
Innocuosque furens incenderet igne Penates." 

King's College has always been a nursery of school- 
masters, and in this century five out of the first eight 
Headmasters of St. Paul's School were Kingsmen. One 
of these, William Malim, had already been Headmaster 
of Eton. He had travelled in the East, and adopted 
Oriental methods in dealing with boys; for he was a 
great flogger, so much so that some boys ran away from 
Eton, and this incident is said to have induced Roger 
Ascham to write his treatise on The Scholemaster. 

Another High Master of St. Paul's, Right wise, 
besides composing the tragedy of Dido, acted by his 
Scholars before Wolsey, was the author of those poems 
of the Latin grammar, As in prcesenti and Propria qua? 
maribus, which were familiar though probably not dear 
to many boys of the early Victorian period. 

But the greatest of the Schoolmasters seems to have 
been Richard Mulcaster. It was at the newly founded 
Merchant Taylors' School that he made his name ; and, 
besides his Eton and Cambridge training, he had 
acquired at Oxford a knowledge of Oriental languages. 


In two respects he anticipated modern ideas. He 
asserted the right of girls to receive as good an 
education as boys, and he advocated a system of 
special training for Schoolmasters. Fuller's account of 
him deserves to be repeated : 

" In a morning he would exactly and plainly construe and 
parse the lesson to his Scholars ; which done, he slept his 
hour (custom made him critical to proportion it) in his 
desk in school ; but woe be to the Scholar that slept 
the while. Awaking he heard them accurately ; and 
Atropos might be persuaded to pity as soon as he to 
pardon, where he found just fault. The prayers of cocker- 
ing mothers prevailed with him as much as the requests of 
indulgent fathers, rather increasing than mitigating his 
severity. His sharpness was better endured, because he 
was impartial ; and many excellent Scholars were bred 
under him." 

One of these was Bishop Andrewes, who ever retained 
a warm affection for his old master, and had his portrait 
hung over his study door. Mulcaster had held office 
for twenty-five years, when he determined to resign. 
The Company pressed him to continue ; but his answer 
was, "Fidelis servus perpetuus asinus." This did not 
prevent him from undertaking the Mastership of 
St. Paul's School when he was already sixty-five years 
of age. 

The study of mathematics was not yet a prominent 
feature of Cambridge life, although the Commissioners 
of 1549 had introduced it into the "Trivium" in place 
of grammar, a knowledge of which was now supposed 
to precede admission to the University. But one Kings- 


man of these times is mentioned by an old College 
chronicler as having "arrived at great skill in the 
Mathematicks." This was Robert Dunning, who was 
one of Roger Goad's first accusers, and was committed 
to the Gatehouse at Westminster. There he repented, 
and wrote to Lord Burghley: 

" that he wondered at the Blindness of his own mind and 
confessed that because he hated the Provost therefore he 
had raised most false accusations against a man worthy to 
be seen and heard by Princes." 

His repentance seems either to have been superficial 
or to have come too late, for our chronicler goes on : 

" he behaved so as to be expelled. Remarkable it is ; you 
seldom find men of moderate parts run into such enormous 
extravagancies. Your slow dull fellows usually live longer, 
behave better, and are more usefull and exemplary in their 
generations, than those volatile and elevated geniuses." 



ONLY five years separate the Provostships of Roger 
Goad and of the equally eminent Samuel Collins. 
This short interval is filled by two Provosts, Fogge 
Newton and William Smythe, both of whom gave 
promise of doing good service to the Society. Newton 
was son-in-law to Goad, and is described as " a most 
learned, meek, and good man. 1 ' Meek as he was, he 
was called upon to withstand James I. in an attempt 
which the King made to secure a Fellowship for a 
Scotchman. Newton wrote to explain that the College 
Statutes forbade the election of any one born outside 
the realm of England. Strict loyalty to the Statutes 
would equally have prevented any royal interference in 
the election of Scholars from Eton ; but there is evi- 
dence to show that such interference was not uncommon, 
as indeed we might infer from the language of the 
following letter written only eighteen years later : 


" 10 December 1628. 

" The King to the Provosts of Eton and Kings College. 

"Whereas we are given to understand that one Isaa 
Oliver, a student of our College at Eton, hath spent man 


years in the course qf his studies there and is as well in 
respect of his time as of his proficiency in learning very fit 
to be removed to our University of Cambridge ; We have 
therefore thought fit, both in regard of the industrious 
expense of his time in the course of his studies as for his 
better encouragement to proceed in his commendable 
endeavours for the time to come, by these our letters to 
desire you whom it may concern, that at the next election 
of Scholars of that College you choose elect and admit him 
into the first place of a Scholar of King's College in Cam- 
bridge according to the usual custom of that House. And 
we shall take your readiness to give us satisfaction herein 
in very thankful part at your hands." 

Isaac Oliver was accordingly admitted a Scholar, 
though not till 1630, and proved rather an expensive 
acquisition to the College, for the records tell us that 

" went distracted and so continued above thirty years, and 
which was very reasonable was allowed the full profits of 
his Fellowship as if he had been resident." 

It is added, however, that he was an excellent scholar, 
so that perhaps he would have been admitted without 
royal intervention. 

But Oliver was not the only Scholar admitted in 
1630 on the King's recommendation. Two years later, 
a strong opposition was made by some members of the 
College to the appointment of Nathaniel Vincent as 
Poser; and among other objections it was urged that, 
when he had served that office in 1630, he had dis- 
pleased the King by refusing to elect boys on the royal 
recommendation. Vincent's rival at this time was one 


Thomas Roe, and a written statement was made by the 
former, to the effect that in 1630 Roe had exhorted 
Vincent not to be pusillanimous, and had then accused 
him to Lord Holland of resisting the King's will. 
After all, Vincent's opposition was ineffectual, for in 
1632 the Fellows of the College made the following 
declaration : 

" We may trewly say that more Schollers were expedited 
at that time upon his Majestie's Commandment, wherein 
hee of all Princes of the earth hath been most sparing and 
moderate, than commonly are in scores of years, 4 Schollers 
being contented in their desires at once, for whom his 
Majestic then vouchsafed to write." 

Then follow the names of Isaac Oliver and three more. 

Provost Newton was Rector of Kingston in Cam- 
bridgeshire, when he was made Provost ; there he died 
and was buried, as his Inscription says, by his own 
wish : 

" Moriens, f ubi 

Pro Christiano feceram excubias grege, 
Hie nostra ' dixit ' ossa conquiescite. 
Edoraiietis sseculi noctem brevis.' " 

William Smythe then succeeded to the Provostship in 
1612, and held it for three years. In this case also the 
election was determined by the interference of the 
Crown. James I. wrote to the College, warning them 
not to act in filling the vacancy caused by Provost 
Newton's death till he had ascertained " where The 
Right lyeth " ; and then, being satisfied of his own 
right to nominate, he bids the College to elect Smythe, 
whom he (King James) had inclined to elect instead of 


Newton, but " wee were misinformed of something con- 
cerning him, which since we have found to be untrue." 
The new Provost had for some time been Master of 
Clare, and perhaps, if he had lived, the controversy 
which presently arose between the two Colleges might 
have been conducted with less acrimony. Of him it is 
recorded that " he was a good housekeeper, and the loss 
of him was much lamented as well by the Fellow- 
Collegiates as by the College Tenants generally. 1 ' 

His successor, Samuel Collins, was the son of a 
Kingsman, Baldwin Collins, who ended his life as 
Fellow and Vice-Provost of Eton ; in which office " he 
took the opportunities to prefer many poor but good 
Scholars ; a man of wonderful learning and as great 
humility." For himself he refused preferment, but he 
went up and down " preaching gratis at one neighbour- 
ing village or another almost every Sunday, as long as 
health and strength of nature would permit him."" He 
just lived to see his son become Provost. Samuel 
inherited his father's love of learning, without the 
humility. He must have been a precocious boy, if 
there is any truth in the story that he was elected 

" against six eminent competitors by Dr. Goad who, upon 
his translating a piece of Horace, clapping his hands on his 
head, said, ( This is my child, who if he lives shall be my 
heir and successor.' " 

This was in 1591, when Collins was only fifteen years 
of age. He gained the reputation of being the best 
Latinist of his days, and in 1613 he kept a celebrated 
Act for his Doctor's degree, when the Elector Palatine 
and Princess Elizabeth, then just married, were present, 


his opponent being Williams, afterwards Visitor of 
Collins's own College as Bishop of Lincoln, and finally 
Archbishop of York and Lord Keeper. " No flood," 
says Hacket, 

" can be compared to the spring-tide of Collins' s language 
and eloquence, but the milky river of Nilus with his seven 
mouths. . . . What a Vertumnus, when he pleased to 
argue on the right side or the contrary." 

Four years later Collins became Regius Professor of 
Divinity, and read Lectures twice a week for thirty- 
four years, " wherein " (says Fuller) " never any two 
alike." Yet the same authority, contrasting him with 
Samuel Ward, who was the Margaret Professor, adds : 

" Dr. Collins had much the speed of him in quickness of 
parts, but let me say (nor doth the relation of a pupil 
misguide me) the other pierced the deeper into under- 
ground and profound points of divinity." 

It appears that he was sometimes too ready with his 
tongue ; for Hacket, who wrote the Life of the Visitor, 
Bishop Williams, tells us that in 1628 on some disgust 
conceived against him the Fellows petitioned the Bishop 
to visit the College, who accordingly accepted the invi- 
tation; but 

" the cause went for the right worthy Provost, in whose 
government the Bishop could perceive neither carelessness 
nor covetousness. The most that appeared was that the 
Doctor had pelted some of the active Fellows with slings 
of wit ; at which the Visitor laughed heartily, and past 
them by, knowing that the Provost's tongue could never 
be wormed to spare his jests, who was the readiest alive 


to gird whom he would with innocent and facetious 

The Visitor did, however, make, or at least recom- 
mend, a change of some importance in the administra- 
tion of the College, which will be noticed in a later 

A man of Collins's disposition may have had a taste 
for controversy. If so, he was able to indulge it in one 
which he maintained with the Jesuits in defence of the 
book which Andrewes had written against Cardinal 
Bellarmine. The titles given by these combatants to 
their respective pamphlets, such as Ephphatha and 
Obmutesce, suggest that they did not spare each other. 
Collins, however, was a scholar as well as a theologian, 
and to the end of his life continued to study his 
favourites, Ovid, Pindar, Cicero and Isocrates, as well as 
such writers as Bembo and Politian. Unfortunately we 
do not know whether he succeeded in inoculating the 
members of his College with his own love of literature. 
We have a pleasant picture of Provost Collins at home 
in a letter from his brother Provost of Eton, Sir Henry 
Wotton. Sending a portrait of Paolo Sarpi as a present, 
Wotton writes : 

" You have a luminous Parlour, which I have good cause 
to remember, not only by delicate Fare and Freedom (the 
Prince of Dishes), but by many good Authors. In that 
Room,* I beseech you to allow it a favourable Place for my 

* Sarpi's portrait has unfortunately disappeared. But in the 
dining-room of the present Lodge there is one of Collins himself ; 
and one can easily imagine that it is the likeness of an impulsive, 
self-reliant, and witty man. 


Wotton also sent to Collins a MS. of Horace, which 
had once belonged to Pietro Bembo, and which is still 
preserved in the College Library. 

Bishop Williams was himself quite capable of appre- 
ciating the Provost's wit, and his letters show that 
he began his Visitorship with a high opinion of the 
Provost's character. He writes in 1626 : 

" I would have all men to know, I loved and respected you 
extraordinarily e, for your many excellent partes, and 
amongst the rest your great sweetnes and mildnes in 

And in the following year : 

' ( I observed nothing in any thinge you saide or did, but 
what became a man of as great a Depthe in Judgment and 
Prudence as in Learninge." 

A longer experience, however, and the frequency of the 
appeals or petitions presented by Fellows, who thought 
themselves aggrieved or the welfare of their Society 
endangered, seem to have altered this favourable 

It was in May 1629 that two Fellows, Thomas Roe 
and Ralph Winterton, approached the Visitor with a 
complaint. Winterton wished to be allowed to " divert " 
to the study of medicine; the Statutes limited the 
number of such students to two ; but Roe was anxious 
to give up medicine for theology, thereby creating the 
necessary vacancy. This seemed to the Visitor a reason- 
able arrangement, and he writes to the Provost : 

" The matter is not of that moment but I maye resemble 
their suyte to that of Pamphilus and Charinus in the 


Comaedie ; the place of a Physitian is the Mistresse that 
looks to be courted. And the case is this, 

' Hie pavet ne ducat illam, alter autem ut ducat.' 

Mr. Roe's request is full of reason, if he hath a resolution 
for the Ministrie, and you and I must be no adversaries to 
that resolution, if any other be willing and able to supply 
the other faculty e." 

He goes on to show that Winterton is excellently 
qualified for the study of medicine, and it seems 
impossible that 

"you wold not give way of your own accord to this per- 
mutation, were not somewhat concealed, under soe many 
good partes, which cannot as yeat be visible. This made 
me move some questions to Mr. Wynterton, from whom I 
receiv'd humble and ingenuous Awnswers. And such as 
persuade me, that he is your true and faythfull beadesman, 
and doth runne into noe irremissible error. Et 8e n rjdtKrja-e 
(re rovro ffioi eXXoyet. 

The result of this letter was that the two diver- 
sions were allowed on August 20, 1629. Unhappily, 
further trouble soon arose in the case of both these 
men. A sermon having been preached by the Vice- 
Provost in Chapel on Oct. 19, 1631, which appeared to 
Roe " very unseemly, tending to the breach of charity 
and the dishartning of young men in their studies," 
Roe took advantage of a disputation, which he held in 
the Chapel a few days afterwards, to "testifie" his 
dislike of the sermon. For this "indiscreet exercise" 
Roe was reprimanded; and as the Visitor would not 
listen to him, he went to the Chancellor, Lord Holland, 
and, according to the College account, he 


" openly protested in ye Lord of Holland's Chamber that 
he neither valued King's College nor any in it more than 
he did the rushes under his foote." 

Lord Holland gave him no more encouragement than 
the Visitor had done. But the next year he had a new 
grievance. It was the custom of each of the four Senior 
Fellows to keep a servitor, who waited on him and was 
fed on the remains of the Hall dinner; and "your 
petitioner," so Roe tells the Visitor, 

" being one of the fower hath brought into the said 
Colledg one Balls, a civil and studious youth, to be his poor 
Scholler. . . . But Dr. Goad at this time being Dean of 
Arts hath . . . warned the said Balls to be gone, and 
doeth every day molest and threaten the poor boy." 

The Visitor writes on this petition, that if Dr. Goad's 
intention was to turn out all the four poor Scholars as 
encroachers on the Foundation, he approved of such a 
design; if not, 

"I doe holde it reasonable that Mr. Provost doe keepe 
him in possession of all privileges as his predecessor hadd. 
And must suspect the justice of Dr. Goad's proceedings in 
that kinde." 

A more serious controversy arose when the College 
in 1631 refused Winterton the degree of M.D. The 
Provost and Fellows signed an explanation of their 
refusal, which they sent to the Visitor. They were 
aware that divers Heads of other Colleges had taken up 
Winterton's cause, but declared that 

" as for diverse other passages of his distempered cariage 
among us, whereof happly they of other Colleges could not 


so well take notice, conversing not so neer with him, so 
especially because in our judgment he hath lived turbu- 
lently and seditiously in ye College, we hold him unfitt for 
that honor and unworthy of the same." 

Ralph Winterton was evidently a difficult person to 
live with. The College records describe him as " some- 
what disordered in his senses " while an undergraduate. 
And this was attributed to his intense grief at the 
death of a brother in the wars abroad. But this cannot 
have been the cause of his earliest eccentricities, as his 
brother was one of the English volunteers in the army 
of Gustavus Adolphus, and did not die before 1631, 
eleven years after Winterton had become a Fellow. It 
is said that ill-health and sleeplessness had first made 
him study medicine ; and that he was also an excellent 
Greek scholar and musician. At any rate, he was now 
recognised in the University as a person of some 
importance; and his treatment by the College was a 
matter of general interest. This appears from a curious 
letter of John Hacket to Collins, dated June 25, 1632. 
Hacket was chaplain to Bishop Williams; and, while 
staying at Buckden Palace for a few days, he writes to 
the Provost of the general indignation caused by the 
stopping of the grace for Winterton's degree, a man 

" whose learning in that science, in anatomy, and in all 
parts conducing to it, is most exquisite. For pittie sake, 
and justice sake, good S r , let this not bee so. For what is 
Mr. Winterton' s offence ? unless that he subscribed to a 
Petition for ye reformation of grave abuses crept into your 
most famous College, wherein he did the part of a good 


Hacket adds that the Visitor himself shares this 
indignation : 

" I have heard his Lordship call this malice, not justice ; 
and thinkes ye case so worthy of his protection that if it be 
not redressed, it wil make him come to King's College in a 
more angry mood than hitherto he hath don, ... I hard 
him say that if there were as great a tyrant Bishop of 
Lincoln as you shew yourself tyrannical in your place, few 
men in your College according to district justice would be 
able to hold their places. ... As you tender your own 
safetie let Winterton's grace pass within an hour after you 
have read this letter." 

Hacket was evidently much impressed with the 
acuteness of the crisis, but he could hardly expect that 
his last piece of advice would be taken; and the 
Bishop's own letter, three days later, reveals some 
irritation and impatience. He wishes the Provost 
would let Mr. Winterton go and seek his fortunes as a 
physician, " and for you to live quietly and peceablye 
at home, and free me from these unnecessarye molesta- 
tions." The business, he says, is " not worth a chippe, 
unless Dr. Goad thinkes he shall be forced to take 
physicke from Winterton when he is Doctor." But he 
insists on knowing the names of those who refused the 
grace, and that they should set down the " enormityes " 
of Winterton which justified their refusal. Then he 
passes on to another recent incident, which he thinks 
very discreditable to the College : 

" Whereas I heare of a base and unworthye question in 
Divinitye, given in your College by one Mr. Vintner, that 
' Ebrietas non est gravius peccatum quam schisma ' . . . 


I pray you, Mr. Provost, lett me understand, whither you 
have heard thereof, as alsoe, how he hath been punished 
and the Deane who admitted and allowed of that Question. 
If you have not heard of it, enquire into it, and lett them 
both be suspended or otherwise punished (I mean the 
partye and Moderator) untill they have in all humilitye 
acknowledged their Brutishe offence." 

Some time after the Visitors letter the Provost so 
far gave way that he propounded to the College a grace 
for the disputed degree, but it was refused by the 
Fellows. Thereupon Winterton applied to the Chan- 
cellor, Lord Holland, and at his mediation the matter 
was at last settled. But this was not done without the 
intervention of Archbishop Laud, who, finding the 
Court " full of this business," wrote to the Provost on 
Dec. 12, 1633, to say that Winterton's worth and 
learning were very well known to him, and that there 
must be no more delay. 

It is evident that Winterton had made himself 
unpopular in the College ; indeed he was punished 
more than once, in 1631 and again in 1633, for 
indecorous and rude conduct in the College Hall. But 
he must have been a man of mark, for he became 
Regius Professor of Physic as soon, apparently, as he 
became a M.D. Perhaps his self-assertion and comba- 
tiveness were among the qualities which made him a 
vigorous reformer in his own Faculty. And the times 
called for reform. In consequence of an outbreak of 
the plague at Cambridge there had been a great 
increase in the number of doctors, who, as Fuller tells 
us, graduated in a clandestine way, without keeping any 
Acts, " to the great disgust of those who had fairly 


gotten their degrees with public pains and expense." 
Dr. Collins, as Vice-Chancellor, in admitting a man of 
real ability to the Doctorate, made a distinction 
between what he called the " cathedra pestilentiae " and 
the "cathedra eminentiae." Winterton, during his 
short tenure of the Professorship (for he died in 1636), 
did his best to amend this state of things. He tells 
us that hitherto any one, such as a 

" serving man, an apothecary, any M. A., have had license 
to practise in Physic. Some of these had also been 
ordained, so that if one profession failed another might 
supply them. The Minister hath neglected his own 
calling and trespassed upon another's, not without en- 
dangering the souls of the people of God and the loss of 
the lives of many of the King's subjects/' 

Henceforth, no one was to have a licence or obtain a 
degree without keeping one Act at least. But little 
good, so Winterton adds, would be done unless pressure 
were brought to bear on Dr. Clayton, Regius Professor 
at Oxford, to adopt the same rule. 

A few years senior to Collins was John Lancaster, 
who deserves to be remembered for his simple piety. 
He is thus described by a contemporary writer: 

" A very humble and self-denying man, who tho' by birth 
he was a good gentleman, and had some time been Fellow 
of King's College in Cambridge, where he had read sundry 
public lectures, and made many speeches, and (as Dr. 
Collins that master of languages used to say) delivered 
himself in as pure Latin as ever Tully spoke, having no 
other notes to help him but what he wrote upon his own 
nails ; yet this good man thus accomplished with all 


learning contented himself with a living not worth 4>0 
per annum, and in his preaching made no noise of learning 
at all. When I was young, I knew this Master Lancaster ; 
he was a very little man of stature but eminent, as for 
other things so especially for his living by Faith. His 
wife would many times come to him, when she was to send 
her maid to Banbury Market to buy provisions and tell 
him she had no money. His usual answer was, ' Yet send 
your maid and God will provide'; and tho' she had no 
money, yet she never returned empty, for one or other 
that knew her to be Mr. Lancaster's maid, either by the 
way or in Banbury town, meeting her would give her 
money, which still supplied their present wants." 

Another country clergyman, who about this time did 
honour to his College, was Phineas Fletcher, son of the 
Russian traveller, Giles Fletcher. He was Rector of 
Hilgay in Norfolk, and Isaac Walton's words are a 
sufficient description of the life which he led there : 

" There came into my mind certain verses in Praise of a 
mean Estate and an humble Mind : they were written by 
Phineas Fletcher, an excellent Divine and an excellent 
Angler, the Author of excellent Piscatory eclogues, in 
which you shall see the picture of this good man's mind." 

His chief poem, which appeared in 1633, was the 
Purple Island, an allegory on man's physical and mental 
composition, told by a young shepherd to his mates, 

" Where by the garden wall 
The learned Cam with stealing water crawls 
And lowly down before that royal temple falls." 

Nearly half the poem is devoted to a description of 
the human body. Even Lucretius himself could hardly 


have made anatomy poetical, but an occasional episode 
or simile in the earlier cantos shews what Fletcher might 
have done if his subject had been better chosen. When 
he comes to personify the mental faculties and to de- 
scribe the fight between the virtues and vices he has 
more scope for his imagination. He has a passion for 
antithesis, the frequent repetition of which becomes 
wearisome, though some of the lines, such as his 
description of the tongue : 

" Mother of fairest truth and foulest lies/' 

are forcible. Milton may have owed something to the 
author of the Purple Island, who, at any rate, antici- 
pates the great poet when he writes of the Fallen 
Angels : 

" In Heaven they scorned to serve, so now in Hell 
they reign." 

Fletcher professes to take Virgil and Spenser as his 
models. In politics he was an admirer of the Earl of 
Essex, and attributes Elizabeth's death to her regrets 
on his account ; in theology he inclined to the Arminian 
view, for he personifies the Will as " fair Voletta," 

" Whom neither man, nor fiend, nor God constrains ; 
Oft good, oft ill, oft both, yet free remains." 



IT was in Provost Collins's time that further progress 
was made with the furniture of the Chapel. The stalls 
did not, indeed, receive their canopies till after the 
Restoration ; but in 1625 Thomas Weaver, a former 
Fellow, gave the coats of arms carved in elmwood which 
form the back of the stalls. He had already done work 
of the same kind for the Chapel at Eton, of which 
College he was a Fellow. 

Even more important was the work undertaken at 
the east end of the Chapel at King^s. What had stood 
there since the removal of the High Altar in 1560 we 
do not know, but now a wooden screen or reredos was 
raised, on which were carved the arms of the College 
and other devices. This screen had a canopy adorned 
with fine carved work, and stood at a little distance 
from the east wall ; there were doors in it leading to 
the void space behind, which was used for the inter- 
ment of Senior Fellows. The back of the Altar seems 
to have been hung with damask, and the Altar itself 
covered with a purple velvet Communion-cloth with 
silk and gold fringes, partly paid for by the Provost. 
The cost of these alterations was more than 200. 

But a more permanent change had been made in the 


appearance of the Chapel a generation earlier, when the 
organ was placed on the rood-loft. Some sort of organ, 
but of a humble kind, had no doubt been used from the 
first, for the Statutes required that one of the chaplains, 
or else a lay clerk, should be competent " jubilare in 
organis " ; and the College Accounts show that a modest 
sum of money had been spent on the repair of the 
organ and as a stipend to the performer. The instru- 
ment which was in the Chapel at Elizabeth's acces- 
sion had been sold by order of her Commissioners. 
During the two years, 1596-97, which Orlando Gibbons 
spent as a Chorister under the charge of his elder 
brother, it is doubtful whether there was any organ in 
the Chapel, and the music which he composed for 
certain festivals, and for which he received from the 
College payments of Zs. or Zs. 6d. in 1601-1603, may 
well have been sung without accompaniment. 

In 1606, however, a new departure was made. John 
Tomkins was appointed Organist, and was probably the 
first who held that title. His salary was about ^14 a 
year, and he seems, in addition, to have had rooms and 
commons in College. It was part of his duty to 
instruct the Choristers in music. On his appointment, 
and probably under his superintendence, if not at his 
instigation, a new organ was built by a Dallam or 
Dalham; more than half a century later there were 
three of this name employed in building organs for 
York Minster, for New College, Oxford, for St. George's, 
Windsor, and other places. It was probably the father 
of these three who was employed at King's. Dallam 
and his men were lodged in the town of Cambridge for 
more than a year, and boarded in the College Hall ; 


from one item, for suppers on Fridays, it would seem 
that they required extra dishes when the College fare 
was meagre. The cost of the organ was about ^214, and 
that of the case \56. Nothing of Dallam's organ re- 
mains, but the case has undergone only slight alterations, 
and is a beautiful specimen of Jacobean woodwork.* 

It was now the springtime of English Church Music ; 
which, after a temporary check under the chilling 
influence of Puritan ascendency, was soon to reach its 
maturity in the compositions of such men as Blow, 
Purcell, and Croft. With a new organ and a really 
great organist it is probable that the College Services 
became more widely attractive. Within the last 
hundred years the Chapel had been the scene of Latin 
Stage-plays, of Provost Goad's catechetical lectures, and 
of the Visitor's judgments, sometimes delivered to a 
disrespectful and tumultuous audience. Now it began 
to be in some degree the Cathedral of Cambridge. A 
regulation of James I. in 1619, the object of which was 
to secure the due maintenance of services in the various 
College Chapels, forbids the ladies of Cambridge to 
repair to any such services except the ordinary Prayers 
in King's Chapel. There was still room for improve- 
ment ; at least in the opinion of one of the Heads, who 
in 1636 sent to Archbishop Laud a complaint of various 
ecclesiastical irregularities at Cambridge, and observes 
that at King's College 

* Dr. M. R. James, whose judgment is entitled to the greatest 
weight, is confident that some parts of the organ-case date from the 
reign of Henry VIII. If so, it is probable that the first organ used 
in the Chapel stood in the rood-loft. It may have been placed on 
one side, so as to leave the centre free for the rood itself, as is the 
arrangement in the Church of St. Bertrand de Comminges. 


" some of the Choir, both men and boys, are mute and 
come without surplices when they list ; that the singing is 
hasty and slovenly." 

Even in modern times it is not an uncommon thing for 
some members of a choir to be too old, and some too 
young, to be effective singers, and we need not attach 
great weight to the remarks of a solitary critic, who 
perhaps had not much experience on which to base his 
criticism. John Milton left the University in 1632, 
and is believed to have written // Penseroso within the 
next five years. One cannot but believe that a remi- 
niscence of King's College Services helped to inspire the 

" There let the pealing organ blow 
To the full voic'd Quire below, 
In service high, and Anthems clear, 
As may with sweetness, through mine ear, 
Dissolve me into ecstacies, 
And bring all Heav'n before mine eyes." 

About this time the monotony of College life at 
King's was enlivened by a quarrel with their nearest 
neighbours. In 1637 the authorities of Clare Hall, 
being about to rebuild their College, wished to retire 
from Milne Street and move their Quadrangle west- 
ward. By so doing they would at once gain for them- 
selves and confer on King's the benefit of more light 
and air. But Clare had at that time no property to 
the west of the Cam. The ground on the far side of 
the river was the property of King's, and Clare, naturally 
desiring an outlet to the open fields beyond, wished to 
secure a free passage through Butt Close (the name by 


which the area now known as the "Quarters 1 " 1 or 
" Scholars 1 Piece " of King's, together with the old Clare 
Garden, was then called). The proposal made by Clare 
was that leave should be given them to make a cause- 
way running west from the bridge which they meant 
to build, or else that an exchange of property should 
be arranged, whereby King's would acquire a piece of 
ground at the north-west corner of the Chapel and should 
surrender part of Butt Close to Clare. Apparently 
without waiting for an answer, they applied to the 
King not merely for a passage but for a piece of ground, 
and the King directed that their application should be 
granted. The Kingsmen not unnaturally resented this 
method of cutting the knot, and a controversy ensued. 
It was argued, on the part of King's, that their Statutes 
forbade them to alienate land, that the close neighbour- 
hood of the Clare buildings was a protection against 
west winds and violent storms ; and that Butt Close 
was the exercise-ground of a hundred persons, besides 
giving pasturage to ten horses which they were bound 
by Statute to keep. The matter was referred to Lord 
Holland, the Chancellor, who seems to have persuaded 
the College to withdraw their opposition. At any rate, 
a letter from the King, March 17, 1638, ordered the ex- 
change to take place. But there was to be no actual 
sale. Each College was to lease ground to the other 
for terms of twenty years, to be renewed without any 
fine ; King's College paying l%d. a year for their new 
acquisition, and receiving in return =5 yearly rent for 
the part of the close which they surrendered to Clare. 

It is rather remarkable that in 1633 and 1634 three 
out of the four Regius Professorships were held by 


Kingsmen ; for, besides Collins and Winterton, one of 
the Goad family was Professor of Civil Law. Not long 
before him the same office had been held by another 
Kingsman, who may be said to have thrown down the 
gauntlet in the cause of Absolutism. This was John 
Cowell, who became Professor in 1594 and Master of 
Trinity Hall in 1598. As a Scholar of King's he had 
distinguished himself by his regularity ; and it is 
recorded as a College custom of the following century 
that on every 7th of January the senior Scholar after 
supper visited the College authorities with a request for 
a " Dor," i.e., for leave to the Scholars to lie in bed till 
late next morning " in memoriam Doctoris Cowell who 
then and never else overslept himself and missed early 
prayers." The book by which he gained notoriety was 
not published till 1612; it was called the Interpreter, 
and its professed object was to explain the meaning of 
legal terms. But, as Dr. Johnson afterwards made his 
Dictionary a vehicle for expressing his political senti- 
ments, so to a much greater degree did Cowell in 
giving his explanations of such words as "King, 11 
"Parliament, 11 "Prerogative, 11 to the effect that the 
King was superior to the Law, that in asking the 
Houses of Parliament to pass laws he was waiving his 
own absolute power, and that subsidies were granted to 
him in consideration of this condescension on his part. 
The House of Commons was immediately on the alert, 
instigated, it was said, by Coke, who was believed to be 
jealous of Cowell, and who was certainly jealous of the 
Civil Law; but, before Parliament had time to act, 
James had summoned the rash Professor before the 
Council, and had called upon him to justify some other 


passages in his book, which " do as well pinch the 
authority of the King, as the other points were 
derogatorie to the liberty of the subject"; and had 
decided that Cowell impugned the Common Law of 
England, and that in opposing Prerogative to Law he 
had attacked both King and People together. Cowell 
was committed to the custody of an Alderman, his 
book suppressed, and burnt by the common hangman. 
Two months later he resigned his Professorship, and 
before the end of the year he died. 

If Cowell was a champion of political theories which 
led to civil war, Richard Mountagu was equally 
prominent in maintaining those Church views with 
which the Stuart cause was intimately associated. He 
became a Fellow of King's in 1597. In the year 1610 
he was at Eton, engaged in editing the works of 
Chrysostom and other Greek Fathers for Sir Henry 
Savile, the Provost, who had set up a printing-press 
there. Three years later, at the age of thirty-six, he 
became a Fellow of Eton, and other preferment fol- 
lowed. Before long he was engaged in a controversy 
with the Roman Catholics, whose emissaries he had 
found endeavouring to pervert one of his parishioners 
at Stanford Rivers in Essex. But even before this he 
had undertaken, at King James's request, to write a 
reply to Cardinal Baronius. His book was so dis- 
pleasing to Archbishop Abbot that for a time it was 
suppressed. When it appeared in 1622, it was found 
to be a learned Latin inquiry into the origin and early 
history of the Faith, with the view of showing that 
Anglican doctrine was derived from primitive sources. 
This was not a line of argument likely to please the 


Puritans, especially as Mountagu, in the controversy in 
which he had embarked on behalf of his parishioners, 
while maintaining that the Church of Rome was not a 
sound branch of the Catholic Church, hesitated to call 
the Pope Antichrist. Not that he had any scruple 
about using hard words ; for he named his an ti- Roman 
pamphlet, A new Gag for an old Goose; and in 
describing to his friend Cosin what he had done, he 
says, " Answere it I have .... bitterly and tartly, I 
confesse, which I did purposely because the asse deserved 
so to be rub'd." But he declined to fight Rome with 
Puritan weapons, his own position being that of an 
Anglo-Catholic. He went so far as to defend auricular 
confession, though only as a voluntary practice ; and 
the use of pictures and images to excite devotion, not 
as objects of adoration. 

These doctrines roused the indignation of two Ipswich 
clergymen, who complained to the House of Commons. 
The House referred the matter to the Archbishop; 
Abbot remonstrated with Mountagu, but King James 
took his part. " If that is to be a Papist," said he, " I 
am a Papist." At the crisis of the controversy the old 
King died ; and Mountagu, who had been encouraged 
to write a fuller vindication of his views, now produced 
and dedicated to Charles I. his well-known Appello 

In this work he neither retracts his opinions nor 
softens his language. It is a masterly treatise, written 
in vigorous English ; especially the fifth chapter, which 
deals with the burning question of predestination. He 
protests that his own object is to " make up if it were 
possible the breaches and ruines of the Church " ; but 


he will have nothing to do with the Puritans 1 " com- 
fortable Doctrine of Election and Reprobation." He 
retorts on them the charge of disloyalty : 

"you seem to cloze with the Church of England in her 
Discipline, to use the Crosse, and wear the Clothes ; but 
her Doctrine you wave it, preach against it, teach contrary 
to that which you have subscribed." 

Being himself perfectly at home in classical and. patristic 
literature, he does not conceal his contempt for Puritan 
ignorance : 

" If you with your new learning (for old you have none) 
can teach me more than yet I know, I will yeeld and thank 
you for such instruction. 

"If I have any occasion hereafter to speak of learned 
and moderate men, I will ever except and exempt you and 



He sums up his views by saying that 

" Popery is for Tyranny, Puritanisme for Anarchy ; Popery 
is originall of Superstition; Puritanisme the highway unto 
Prophanenesse ; both alike enemies unto Piety." 

For two or three years the controversy continued. 
Parliamentary inquiries and theological conferences 
were held, and at one time Mountagu was in the custody 
of the Serjeant-at-Arms. So far as argument went 
he was at least a match for his numerous opponents, 
and he had the support of the King. But he had 
spoken disrespectfully of the Synod of Dort, and 
(though he disclaimed the title of Arminian) he was a 
thoroughgoing antagonist of the predominant Calvinism. 
Even the excellent Bishop Morton, whom Mountagu 


speaks of with respect and not unfrequently quotes in 
his Appello, could make no terms with him on this 
crucial question. At last, in 1628, when he was in 
imminent danger of impeachment, some sort of peace 
was restored by the suppression of the obnoxious 
treatise, and by a royal declaration imposing silence 
on both parties. At the same time Mountagu was 
raised to the See of Chichester, and it was clear on 
which side the King^s sympathies really lay. 

Mountagu's letters to his friend Cosin, afterwards 
Bishop of Durham, reveal both the earnestness of 
purpose and the recklessness of language which were 
alike characteristic of the man, his self-confidence and 
his disdain for his opponents. It must be added that 
the letters also show him to have been a loyal friend 
and an affectionate father. He saw clearly enough the 
double danger which then threatened the Church of 
England : 

" I hope God will every day raise up some to stand in the 
gapp against Puritanisme and Popery, the Scilla and 
Charybdis of antient piety." 

But, though circumstances had driven him into contro- 
versy with Rome, he recognised that the more pressing 
danger came from the side of Geneva : 

" If it be but calamo tenus, all the Calvinists in the world 
come on, I care not." 

" This riff-raff rascals make us lyable to the lash unto our 
other adversaries of the Church of Rome, who impute the 
frantick fitts and froth of every Puritan paroxysme to the 
received doctrine of our Church, as this beboone doth with 
whom I have lately had to do, S r Goose the Gagger." 


And the danger was a personal one : 

" Let me understand at full the Puritan charity, what it is, 
as Arminius found amongst the brethren in the Nether- 
lands. From their doctrine, discipline, and charity, Good 
Lord deliver me and all honest men." 

The answers to his Appello were numerous, and to one 
of his antagonists, Dr. Prideaux, Rector of Exeter 
College and Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, he 
was especially uncomplimentary : 

" Prideux hath thretned to write against me. Utinam t 
But I think he distrusteth himself and his pen. . . . For 
those Oxford braggarts I fear them not ; ther pens nor 

Allowance must be made for the fact that Mountagu is 
unbosoming himself to an intimate friend ; but those 
who read his letters will readily understand the criti- 
cism of Davenant, Bishop of Salisbury : 

" I wish he had a more modest concept of himself and a 
less base opinion of all others who jump not with him in 
his mongrel opinions." 

The closing words of the Appello, " Do thou defend 
me with thy sword, and I will defend thee with my 
pen," gave Mountagu ? s enemies some excuse for repre- 
senting him as relying on royal prerogative, and on try- 
ing to set King against people. But Mountagu was no 
politician. His whole mind was given up to ecclesias- 
tical questions. As Bishop, first of Chichester and then 
for a short time of Norwich, he was diligent in the 
duties of his diocese without abandoning his literary 
work. Towards the close of his life, 1635-36, he was 


represented by Panzani, the Papal envoy, as being for- 
ward in promoting union with Rome, and as willing to 
accept all Romish doctrine except Transubstantiation. 
It is rather surprising that this exception should be 
made, for his views on Eucharistic Doctrine might 
easily be interpreted so as to bear a Roman meaning, 
though on other grounds he was an outspoken anta- 
gonist of the Papacy. But Panzani's account contains 
many improbabilities, and he was very likely to mis- 
understand, if he did not deliberately misrepresent, the 
conversations which he had with Mountagu. Better 
evidence must be produced before we can believe that 
the Bishop was ready to abandon his old position. 

For the moment, indeed, he was the champion of a 
losing cause. The minds of his generation were not ripe 
for Anglicanism, which was made still more unpopular 
by the harshness of the discipline with which it was 
enforced. But its greatest misfortune was that it 
happened to be allied with political absolutism. The 
latter was doomed to perish, but the former survived 
the Rebellion, reappeared at the Restoration, and, after 
suffering a temporary eclipse in the Hanoverian period, 
reasserted itself in the Oxford movement of the nine- 
teenth century. The names of Andrewes, Laud, Overall, 
and Mountagu are all intimately associated with the 
earlier movement in the seventeenth century. However 
imperfect that theology may be, it was at least a great 
improvement on the hard and narrow school which pre- 
ceded it, and to Mountagu, more than to any other, 
belongs the honour of dealing a blow at those Calvin- 
istic doctrines which were almost forced on the Church 
of England in the Lambeth Articles of 1595, and 


which had actually become supreme in the minds of 
Englishmen. It was necessary that men should be 
emancipated from this yoke before they could adopt 
some theology which should be at once more reasonable 
and more historical, and in which it would be possible 
for later generations of educated Englishmen to find 
a home. Those who appreciate the important part 
which Mountagu played in this eventful struggle 
will be inclined to forgive the extravagances of his 



WHEN King and Parliament came to actual war, it was 
inevitable that a College with the traditions of King's 
should, for the most part, embrace the cause of the 
former. And within a year of the time when the royal 
standard was raised at Nottingham, members of the 
College had left their Fellowships or Scholarships to 
take up arms, while some of those who continued to 
pursue their peaceful callings had to suffer for their 
loyalty to Church and King. Such was the case with 
William Losse, who had been admitted to the College 
forty years earlier, had gained some distinction as a 
mathematician, and had been presented to the Vicarage 
of Weedon Pinckney in Northamptonshire. There, on 
the afternoon of Sunday, July 2, 1643, he was reading 
the service, when ten or twelve troopers came from 
Northampton, entered the church, and ordered the 
Vicar at once to follow them. Losse begged them to 
wait till he had finished the service ; to which a trooper 
answered : 

" Patience me no patience, my business is of greater 
importance than to admit of delay ; come away therefore 
or I will pull you out by the ears." 


The Vicar went with them into the churchyard, and 
being told that he must ride with them into Northampton 
excused himself, alleging that 

" twelve or thirteen horses had been taken from him by 
the Parliamentary soldiers, and had left him never a one 
able to carry him two miles out of town." 

Whereupon one of the troopers swore that he would 
carry him behind him ; and " if he did not like that, he 
would drag him along with a halter at the horse's tail." 
This was too much for the Vicar, who protested 

" That he would never be a slave to slaves ; and so rushing 
from them with difficulty took sanctuary in the Church, 
where he was pursued by one of the Troopers on horseback, 
who in that situation was attempting to enter, had not 
Mr. Losse with one of the bars of the door resolutely 
prevented him, and barred himself in with part of the 
Congregation. But not thinking himself sufficiently 
secure, by means of a ladder which he drew up after him 
he got up to the top of the Belfry." 

Meanwhile the troopers succeeded in forcing an entry 
into the church, and rode up and down it, " spurring 
and switching their horses purposely to endanger the 
people."" Mrs. Losse and her children were frightened 
by this outrageous conduct ; indeed, Mrs. Losse fainted, 
and the congregation remonstrated with the troopers, 
putting them in mind of the sacredness of the place in 
which " they committed these Indecencies " : adding that 
they ought to be ashamed to abuse a minister in his 
own congregation, who, " besides the reverence due to 
his function might challenge some respect from them 


being a gentleman of good birth and descent." This 
last was an ill-timed argument, for one of the troopers 
broke out with a great oath, 

" What do you tell me of birth and descent ? A plague 
take him and his gentility. I hope within this year to see 
never a gentleman in England." 

After this they all marched to the belfry, 

"where when they found they could not come at Mr. 
Losse, who had taken up the ladder and made the trapdoor 
fast with the same, they discharged their pistols at him, at 
least eight or nine times, but by good Providence he 
avoided their aims; but could not so well the points of 
their swords ; for they wounded him in three several parts 
of his body and a vein pricked in one of his hands, from 
which the blood flowed in such abundance on the Troopers 
underneath him, that they bragged there and in other 
places that they had dispatched him, and so went their 
way calling him Rogue, Rascall, Slave, Villain, Dog and 
Devill ; and at their departure protested with many exe- 
crations upon themselves that in case they had not 
murthered him now, which yet they hoped they had, they 
would return another time, and have him dead or alive." 

William Losse offered only a passive resistance to the 
demands of the Parliamentary party ; other Kingsmen 
had already taken more active steps. James Fleetwood, 
was was admitted Scholar in 1622, and was one day to 
be Provost, left a Shropshire living to become Chaplain 
in Lord Rivers's regiment, and did such good service at 
Edge Hill that by the King^s command he received the 
degree of D.D. from the University of Oxford on 
November 1, 1642. As his kinsmen had chosen the 


Parliamentary side, the King may have wished to give 
a special reward for Fleetwood's loyalty. It may be 
presumed that his services had been only of a spiritual 
kind, but the names of a dozen or more Kingsmen are 
recorded who left their books for the sword. Of these, 
some, like James Eyre and Charles Howard, lost their 
lives in battle or siege ; the most interesting case being 
that of Sampson Briggs, who is said to have been a 
very good scholar and excellent poet. At any rate he 
wrote an English poem in 1638 on the unhappy loss 
of Edward King (Milton^s Lycidas), drowned on the 
passage to Ireland. And when Briggs himself fell at 
the siege of Gloucester, his aged father, the parson of 
Foulmire, went distracted on hearing the news. Others, 
however, survived the war. Thus William Fairbrother, 
who was taken prisoner at Naseby, June 14, 1645, 
returned to College and became Vice-Provost in 1653. 
In 1660 he had the satisfaction of entertaining in Hall 
the soldiers who had just been firing volleys from the 
roof of the Chapel to celebrate the Restoration. He 
was still living in 1669 ? in which year he received the 
degree of D.C.L. at Oxford on the occasion of the 
opening of Sheldon's Theatre. William Raven, who 
had commanded a troop of horse, ended his life as 
Rector of West Parley in Dorsetshire ; and there were 
other cases of the same kind. 

Probably Henry Bard and Arthur Swaine were the 
two Kingsmen who gained most distinction in the war. 
Swaine had only been four years at College when he 
joined the King at Oxford in 1643 : 

" being a man of extraordinary stout and strong body and 


undaunted courage, and every way completely fitted for 
such an employment. In a short time after his coming 
thither he was for his eminent service made Colonel of a 
regiment of Foot and Commissary General for his Majesty's 
army in the West ; but teaching his servant the postures 
of the musket at Oxford, by the unadvised going off of the 
same, he thinking it was not charged and ordering him to 
level it at him, he was unfortunately slain, and buried in 
the Cathedral of Christ Church with the general sorrow of 
the city." 

A promising soldier was thus lost to the King. Henry 
Bard's career was a longer one. He seems to have been 
of a restless and roving disposition. Even when a 
Scholar he used his sixty days of absence to visit Paris ; 
and as soon as he became a M.A. Fellow, he wandered 
all over the Continent and travelled into Palestine, 
Arabia and Egypt. On his return he presented a copy 
of the Koran to the College Library. His enemies 
said that he had stolen it out of a mosque in Egypt ; 
and that, when told it was not worth more than %0, 
he " made answer that he was sorry he had ventured his 
neck for it." He was now to venture his neck for a 
different cause, and in 1642 he entered the King's 
service at York, where he soon became a Colonel ; his 
knowledge of French, and perhaps also his "very 
personable appearance," recommending him to the 
Queen's favour. He became governor of Camden House 
in Gloucestershire, and fought his way out of it, when 
it was no longer tenable, after setting it on fire ; and 
"entertained the besiegers so that they spilt not so 
much claret wine in the House as they left blood before 
it." In March 1644 his reckless courage contributed 


to the loss of the battle fought near Alresford, and left 
him wounded and a prisoner. 

On his release he went to Oxford, where he received a 
fresh command as well as an Irish peerage ; and as 
Viscount Bellamont he fought at Naseby. Till 1645, 
when he married, he remained a Fellow of King's. 
Some years later he joined Charles II. at Bruges, and 
was sent by him as Ambassador to the Emperor of 
Persia, from whom Charles hoped for aid. But " so it 
was that he being unhappily overtaken in his travels by 
a whirlwind was choked by the sands in the year 1656." 

For those who remained at Cambridge during these 
years of war there was no lack of excitement. Already 
some College plate had found its way to the King's 
quarters ; but Oliver Cromwell, who as M.P. for the 
town of Cambridge naturally took the lead, intercepted 
the greater part of these supplies; and an attempt 
made early in August 164$ by one James Docwra to 
collect a force at King's College, " where y e plate was 
loaden and readie to be conveyed to y e King," was 
defeated by the activity of Cromwell, who soon after- 
wards seized the castle with its magazine. Cambridge 
was an important outpost of the volunteer army raised 
by the Eastern Counties Association ; and there, in 
February 1643, a force assembled large enough to deter 
the Royalist Lord Capel from remaining in the neigh- 
bourhood. Within a few weeks, however, most of the 
volunteers returned to their homes, leaving 1000 men to 
garrison Cambridge. For the defence of the town it was 
thought necessary to pull down "five or six fair bridges 
of stone and timber," and also " to spoil a goodly walk 
with a new gate pertaining to King's College." 


Attempts were also made to extort money from the 
Heads of Colleges, and the University sent a petition to 
the House of Lords representing 

" how in our Colleges our numbers grow thin, and our 
revenues short ; how frighted by the neighbouring noise of 
war our students either fled their gowns, or abandoned 
their studies." 

The Colleges were not, however, empty, for soldiers 
were billeted in them. The Earl of Manchester, who 
spent the Christmas of 1643 at Cambridge, supported 
the Colleges in a petition to Parliament to be freed 
from the ordinance, which had sequestered all " lands 
and profits belonging to those Colleges which did con- 
vey their plate. 11 These petitions were granted, but 
the Earl was ordered to make the Colleges " orthodox." 
As Parliament and the Army had already taken the 
Covenant, in order to secure the aid of the Scotch, and 
an ordinance followed on February 5, 1644, directing 
that it should be taken by every Englishman over the 
age of eighteen, this meant that Presbyterianism was 
to be enforced, and the Prayer Book superseded by 
the Directory. Now came the critical moment for the 
College Chapel. It was bad enough that bands of 
soldiers should use it for training and exercise, but it 
was still worse that William Dowsing, under a Parlia- 
mentary order for demolishing idols, images, pic- 
tures, &c., which he carried out ruthlessly in the county 
churches, should lay his sacrilegious hands on the 

It appears from Dowsing's diary that this act of 
vandalism was to have been perpetrated immediately 


after Christmas of 1643. How the glass escaped 
remains a mystery, especially as Dowsing had authority 
from the Earl of Manchester to bring before the latter 
any who had opposed his work. Mr. Coneybeare, in 
his History of Cambridgeshire, adopts a suggestion 
made by Professor Willis that Dowsing, who received a 
"fee" for each church which he had "purified,"" may 
have been persuaded to take the money and leave the 
windows alone. This explanation receives some con- 
firmation from an entry in the College Accounts for the 
quarter beginning March 25, 1644, "Solut. M ro 
Dowzing 6*. 8d." ; but it is difficult to believe that so 
small a sum, being the amount to which he was entitled 
in all cases of "purification," would have induced 
Dowsing to spare so rich a prey. If he received a more 
substantial bribe, the transaction was kept out of the 
College Accounts. This explanation, however, is more 
probable than that which attributes the escape to the 
friendship of Cromwell for Whichcote, as Whichcote 
did not become Provost of King^s till about a year after 
the danger had passed away. He was not even a 
resident in Cambridge at this time, but was living at 
his Somersetshire parish of North Cadbury. If, indeed, 
the windows were again threatened at some later date, 
the influence of the Provost may very probably have 
saved them ; but of this there is no evidence. Perhaps 
the mystery will seem a little less mysterious, if we 
remember Cromweirs position and character. He must 
have felt a personal interest in the town and University ; 
and it was an object with his party to win over one of 
the two great Universities ; nor had any serious opposi- 
tion occurred in Cambridge to irritate the minds of his 


followers. Now to deface the great glory of Cambridge 
was hardly the way to conciliate Cambridge men ; and 
though Cromwell could, on occasions, behave like a 
fanatic, as he did when he interrupted the service in 
Ely Cathedral and drove out the congregation, yet he 
did not allow fanaticism to interfere with policy. It is 
on record also that about this time some of the soldiers 
defended Trinity Chapel from the rudeness of the rest, 
and received a reward from the College for their good 
conduct. There is therefore some probability thai both 
general and soldiers may have been inclined to spare 
works of art, which from their very position were 
happily protected from anything short of deliberate 
violence. The popular legend, which attributes the 
preservation of the windows to their having been taken 
down and buried in a single night, has neither historical 
evidence nor intrinsic probability to entitle it to any 
serious attention. 

But, if the buildings were spared, the same mercy 
was not shown to their inhabitants. Samuel Collins, 
at any rate, could not hope to escape. He was Head 
of a royal Foundation ; he was Regius Professor of a 
theology now proscribed ; and he was non-resident 
rector of a country parish. At Fen Ditton he was de- 
nounced for setting up a costly altar ; "his superstition 
is so great, and his doctrine so impossible to edify " ; 
and it was said that he made feastings on the Sabbath 
days. From what we know of his style of oratory, it is 
likely enough that he preached over the heads of the 
Cambridgeshire peasants ; and if it is true that he ex- 
communicated some of them for four years for going to 
hear sermons elsewhere, it is not likely that his parish- 


loners would exert themselves in his favour. At about 
the same time he was deprived of his Provostship, but 
was allowed to retain the sinecure Rectory of Milton. 
As late as September 4, 1644, he was present as Provost 
at an admission of two Fellows, and the actual date of 
his deprivation seems to have been January 9, 1645. 
As to his Professorship, it is said that he was allowed 
to discharge the duties without receiving the emolu- 
ments of the Living of Somersham, with which it was 
endowed. This is Fuller's account, who tells us that, 
" these troublesome times affording more Preachers 
than Professors, he lost his Church but kept his Chair." 
And the account is confirmed by the fact that it was 
not till the year of Dr. Collinses death that another 
Professor was appointed. He was offered by the King 
the Bishopric of Bristol in 1646, a time when the 
position of a Bishop was becoming very precarious ; but 
he preferred to live on in the town of Cambridge, where 
the generosity of his successor in the Provostship helped 
to keep him out of want till 1651, when he died at the 
age of 75. 

The new Provost, Benjamin Whichcote, is said to 
have protected his Fellows from the necessity of taking 
the covenant. Five, however, seem to have been ejected 
at this crisis, the most eminent being Thomas Crouch, 
who continued to reside in Cambridge as a Fellow- 
Commoner of Trinity Hall. When after the King's 
death the Republic was proclaimed, and the members 
of the College were called upon to take the engagement 
of October 12, 1649, that they would be true to the 
new Constitution without a King or House of Lords, a 
considerable number of Fellows either resigned or were 


ejected, among them Henry Molle, the Public Orator, 
who lost both office and Fellowship together. The 
youngest of the victims must have been Christopher 
Wase, who was chosen by Whichcote on his first visit 
to Eton in 1645, and admitted a Scholar of King's in 
that year. In 1650, the year before the campaign 
which ended in the defeat of Worcester, he was accused 
of trying to raise men and horses for the King, and was 
captured at sea carrying letters from Holland to France. 
He then escaped, and served in the Spanish army in 
Flanders. A little later we hear of him in Paris, where, 
John Evelyn tells us in his Diary, 

" he came miserable. From his excellent learning . . . 
I bore his charges to England and clad and provided for 
him till he should find some better condition ; and he was 
worthy of it." 

Wase showed his gratitude by writing an elaborate 
epitaph on a son of Evelyn's, who died quite young, 
and who 

" Libris inhsesit improbo labore 

Ut sola mors divelleret ; 
Quid indoles, quid disciplina, quid labor 
Possent, ab uno disceres." 

Wase afterwards became Headmaster of Tunbridge 
School, but he ended his days at Oxford, where he was 
both a Bedell and Chief Printer to the University. 

The College records show that in the years July 1649 
-July 1651 no less than twenty -nine Scholars were 
admitted. Possibly some vacancies of old standing 
were filled up at this time but the recent ejections 


would almost account for the unusual number of admis- 
sions. The fact that some of those who served in the 
King's armies were permitted to return to College and 
live there as Fellows shews that the Presbyterian party 
at any rate did not, as a rule, act in an implacable or 
revengeful spirit. Yet if the studies and discipline of 
the College did not after all greatly suffer in these 
troubled times, this must have been chiefly due to the 
noble character and rare abilities of the usurping 



BENJAMIN WHICHCOTE was a member of an old Shrop- 
shire family, and became a Fellow of Emmanuel College 
in 1633, and not long afterwards a Tutor; but at the 
time of his appointment to the Provostship of King's 
he was living in Somersetshire as Rector of North 
Cadbury. He was one of the small but distinguished 
group of Cambridge Platonists. Bishop Mountagu 
had asserted the freedom of the human will ; Whichcote 
advocated the rights of human reason. His object was 
to show that the witness of Reason and Revelation 
agree, and that there can be no saving faith without a 
Christlike character. Moreover, he was a champion 
of toleration. In maintaining these views he parted 
from the narrow school of theology in which he had been 
trained, and which his mind had gradually outgrown ; 
and his correspondence with his old Tutor, Anthony 
Tuckney, Master of Emmanuel, reveals a wide difference 
between the Puritan and the Platonist. 

Whichcote wrote little, except twelve hundred Aphor- 
isms, but he was a great teacher both within his College 
and outside it. For almost twenty years he lectured 
every Sunday afternoon to a mixed congregation of 
townsmen and gownsmen in Trinity Church, and is 


said thereby to have " contributed more to the forming 
of the students of the University to a sober sense of 
religion than any other man in that age." Within his 
College he encouraged the study of his favourite 
authors, Plato, Cicero, and Plotinus, and it was probably 
owing to his influence that two Kingsmen, admitted 
during his Provostship, Richard Austin and Richard 
Hunt, gained such distinction as Orientalists that it 
was said that "The Palme for skill in the oriental 
languages may well be given to King's College." 

Whichcote was accused by his old Tutor, Dr. Tuckney, 
of exalting the philosophy and virtues of pagans, and 
also of dabbling in Socinianism and Arminianism. In 
reply he admits : 

" I find the Philosophers that I have read good as farre as 
they go ; and it makes me secretlie blushe before God, 
when I find eyther my head, heart, or life challenged by 
them ; which, I must confesse, I have often found." 

And in one of his Aphorisms he says, "The Good 
Nature of an Heathen is more Godlike than the furious 
zeal of a Christian." While denying that he has any 
knowledge of Socinian or Arminian literature, he tells 
Tuckney : 

" If a Socinian thinks he can by reason convince of false- 
hood anything in the Christian religion, and I shew him 
there is nothing of true reason against aniething of 
Christian faith. ... I conceeve, in this case, I deserve as 
little to be called a Socinian as David, for extorting 
Goliah's sword out of his hand, and cutting off the master's 
head with it, did deserve to be esteemed a Philistine. '' 


His toleration was based on a conviction that men 
must use their reason as much as their eyesight, and 

" I will not/' he says, " break the certain law of Charity 
for a doubtful Doctrine " . . . " I dare not blaspheme free 
and noble spirits in religion, who search after truth with 
indifference and ingenuitie." 

Such men have been, and still are, persecuted ; but " I 
do beleeve that the destroying of this spirit (of perse- 
cution) out of the Church is a peece of the Reformation, 
which God in these times of changes aimes at." " There 
is nothing more unnatural to religion than contentions 
about it." He had reached a higher level, and breathed 
a clearer air, than his old Tutor, to whom he says : 

" I cannot returne to that frame of spirit, in the judging 
and discerning the things of God you seeme to advise me 
to. I can no more look back than St. Paul, after Christ 
discovered to him, could returne into his former strayne." 

All that we know of Whichcote goes to show that 
his practice did not fall short of his principles. Even 
those who differed from him trusted and loved him. 
Yet neither his own merits nor the intercession of Lord 
Lauderdale could save him from ejection at the Restora- 
tion. Whichcote urged that the appointment of the 
Provostship was in the King's hands, and that other 
non-Kingsmen had held the office before him ; that he 
had accepted it unwillingly, and given up for it a valu- 
able living. One of the Senior Fellows, William God- 
man, though he represented to the King that Whichcote 
was by Statute incapable of being Provost, yet freely 
admitted that " his great learning, prudence, and civility 


(whereof we of this College have had large experience)," 
made him worthy of as great or greater preferment and 
dignity ; that he was 

" an encourager of learning and virtue ; that he never 
persecuted any of us upon difference of opinion . . . and 
that he hath deserved well of the whole Society." 

Yet on June 22, 1660, the blow fell, though it was 
somewhat softened by the fact that the College con- 
ferred on him the Rectory of Milton. Here, though he 
had also from time to time the charge of two London 
parishes, he " preached constantly, relieved the poor 
and had their children educated at his own charge, and 
made up differences among the neighbours." He died 
in 1683, in the house of his friend Cud worth at 

The Provostship, conferred on Whichcote, had first 
been offered to a former Fellow of King's, William 
Gouge, who for more than forty years was a noted 
preacher at St. Anne's, Blackfriars. He obtained his 
Fellowship in 1598, and for some years lectured in 
various subjects, including Hebrew. So strict was he in 
his conduct and attendance at prayers that he was 
known in College as the " Arch-Puritan." In after life 
he justified his claim to the title by refusing to read the 
Book of Sports and still more by joining a com- 
mittee formed in 1626 for buying in lay impropria- 
tions, in order to maintain a preaching Ministry in 
places where " The hungry sheep looked up and were 
not fed." This committee was, no doubt, actuated by 
a sincere wish to preach the Gospel in neglected 
parishes, but it is equally clear that the ministers whom 


they appointed, and who held their Lectureships only 
so long as their doctrine satisfied their patrons, belonged 
to a class disaffected to the discipline, if not to the 
doctrine, of the Church of England ; and it was a 
doubtful gain when the tithes of Presteign in Radnor- 
shire, itself very ill provided with clergy, were used to 
pay for a Lecturer at St. Antholin's in London. In 
1643 Gouge openly adopted Presbyterianism, and w r as a 
prominent member of the Westminster Assembly of 
Divines. But he was no republican, and protested 
against the King's trial. To the last he was a diligent 
student, and spent part of his income in providing for 
the education of poor Scholars at the University. 

His son Thomas, Scholar of King's in 1625, followed 
in his father's steps ; and, as a London clergyman, 
exerted himself to help the poor by buying hemp and 
flax for them to spin ; what they spun he took off their 
hands, got it wrought into cloth, and sold it as he 
could, chiefly to his own friends, bearing the whole loss 
himself. The Act of Uniformity in 1662 obliged him 
to resign his Living; and his latter years, and what 
was left of his property, much of which had been lost in 
the Fire of 1666, were devoted to a missionary and 
educational crusade in Wales. 

The Gouges represent the religious side of Puritanism. 
Anthony Ascham, another Kingsman, was a politician 
of the same school. Soon after the outbreak of the 
Civil War he took the covenant, then sided with the 
Independents, and was made Preceptor to James, Duke 
of York, on the capture of Oxford in 1646. In 
January 1650, when the Parliament had resolved to 
conciliate Spain rather than France, Ascham was sent 


on a mission to Madrid. Madrid was then full of 
English royalists ; and Hyde and Lord Cottington, who 
represented Charles II. in that capital, remonstrated 
with the Spanish authorities for receiving envoys from 
a republic which had killed a Christian king. The 
Spaniards excused themselves on the plea that Ascham's 
visit was only for the purpose of making trade arrange- 
ments. Early in June Ascham and his companions 
arrived from Seville, and a contemporary tract de- 
scribes his reception by the favourite, Don Luis de 
Haro ; and " though this Agent be of a complexion 
that the Spaniards do hate (for they paint Judas 
always with red hair), yet there hath not been the least 
Affront or Indignity offered him yet." Within a week 
of their arrival at Madrid, however, Ascham and his 
friends were assassinated in their own house by a party 
of English royalists ; and the Spaniards connived at the 
escape of all the murderers except one, who was a 
Protestant. When Cromwell broke with Spain in 1655, 
this outrage was not forgotten. 

The College may be proud both of its Cavaliers and 
its Roundheads. It is more difficult to feel sympathy 
for a Mr. Facing Both ways, however great his abilities ; 
and such a man was Edmund Waller. He was left at 
an early age heir to a good property in the highlands 
of Buckinghamshire, and entered King's as a Fellow - 
Commoner in 1621. His wealth was increased by his 
first marriage ; and, as a young widower of twenty-five, 
he aspired to the hand of Lady Dorothea Sidney, whom 
he courted in poetry under the name of Saccharissa. 
In the Parliaments of 1640 he spoke against granting 
supplies before the redress of grievances, and was 


employed in managing the prosecution of a Judge who 
had decided in favour of ship-money. But he opposed 
the abolition of Episcopacy, urging that the arguments 
used by the abolitionists would soon be directed against 
property. So far there was nothing in his public con- 
duct to distinguish him from other moderate reformers. 
But in 1643 he was concerned in the plot known as 
" Waller's Conspiracy/ 1 In the preceding year he had 
sent c^lOOO to the King at Nottingham, and in the 
negotiations which followed the battle at Edge Hill he 
visited Charles at Oxford, as one of the Parliamentary 
Commissioners. It is supposed that during this visit 
the pltft was arranged. Lord Clarendon is confident 
that Waller and his brother-in-law Tomkins were con- 
cerned only in raising a strong party of opposition to 
the war, and to the taxation by which war was to be 
supported ; and that the plan of an armed insurrection 
was known only to Sir Nicholas Crisp, Lord Conway, 
and their partisans. Later historians, however, do not 
accept this distinction ; and certainly Waller's conduct, 
on the discovery of the plot, was that of a man who 
knew that he deserved death. He saved himself by 
denouncing his friends and by an abject apology to the 
House of Commons, from which he was expelled, and 
he was soon afterwards permitted to leave the country 
on payment of J?l 0,000. He settled for a time at Rouen, 
where he married a second wife, who bore him a large 
family, and who seems to have done nothing to deserve 
Dr. Johnson's epigram that 

" Waller doubtless praised some whom he would have been 
afraid to marry, and perhaps married one whom he would 
have been ashamed to praise." 


From Rouen he moved to Paris, and eventually 
obtained leave to return to England, and to live at 
Hall Barn, near Beaconsfield. It is probable that his 
escape in 1643 and his return from exile in 1653 were 
partly due to the fact that he was a nephew of 
Hampden and cousin of Cromwell. After the Restora- 
tion he made two attempts to get the Provostship of 
Eton. In 1665 it was promised to him by Charles II. ; 
but Lord Clarendon refused to seal the deed on the 
ground that the office could not be filled by a layman. 
In 1681 a similar objection was made by the Privy 
Council. In Parliament, of which he was so constantly 
a member that it was said " It was no House if Waller 
was not there, 11 his wit and social qualities made him a 
great favourite. He lived till 1687. An eminent 
historian has described him as a type of the loose 
morals of the Restoration period. That Waller was 
mean-spirited and unscrupulous, and that his poetry 
was venal, it would be useless to deny ; but the charge 
of dissolute habits seems to rest on some assertions of 
Sir Simonds D'Ewes, whose austere Puritanism and 
rather narrow mind prevent our placing complete con- 
fidence in his j udgment. It is remarkable that Clarendon, 
himself a man of strict morality and no friend to Waller, 
says nothing to confirm these stories. From one of the 
Restoration vices Waller was certainly free, for he was 
a confirmed water-drinker, a fault which some of his 
friends could hardly pardon. Indeed Lord Halifax 
said, " there was only one man in England he would 
allow to stay in the room with him unless he drank, 
and that man was Ned Waller." A man's writings are 
perhaps no certain index of his character; yet it is 


remarkable that, if Waller's poems are often prosaic, he 
hardly wrote a line which can be accused of indelicacy. 

Though he was but a third-rate poet, yet his position 
in English literature, as Mr. Gosse has shown, was of 
first-rate importance. It is indeed strange that he, 
rather than his contemporary Milton, should have de- 
termined the character of English poetry for more than 
a century. The "native woodnotes wild" of the 
Elizabethan writers were now to be superseded by the 
rhymed couplets which Waller brought into fashion. 
It was his duty, as Mr. Gosse has said, " to capture and 
imprison the imagination, to seize English poetry by 
the wings, and to shut it up in a cage for a hundred 
and fifty years. 11 And the thoughts, which he himself 
had to express, were generally of so tame and common- 
place a kind that such confinement was not inconvenient. 
Yet one or two of his songs are charming, and his 
panegyric of the Protector has been highly praised. It 
was, at any rate, so superior to what he wrote in 
welcome of Charles II.. that the King made a remark to 
that effect. "Sir, 11 replied Waller, "we poets never 
succeed so well in writing truth as in fiction." One 
thing at least we owe to Waller. If he had not lived 
and written, we should have lost the most brilliant of 
Dr. Johnson's biographies. 

It is a relief, however, to turn from the time-serving 
poet to two men whose character and career need no 
apology. In John Pearson and William Oughtred the 
College may fairly claim to possess the most eminent 
theologian and mathematician of their generation in 
this country. Pearson was fortunate in being brought 
under the influence of two such men as Sir Henry 


Wotton and John Hales while at Eton. As a boy, he 
is said to have spent all his money on books ; and, by 
stealing hours from the night, to have read most of 
the Greek and Latin Fathers before he left school. At 
College he was equally industrious ; and 

" finding that the fireside diverted the intention of his 
thoughts and dulled his spirits, he avoided coming near it as 
much as possible, contented to sit close to his books with a 
blanket thrown over his shoulders." 

The Latin verses which he wrote in 1632, while still an 
undergraduate, and those which he contributed five 
years later as a memorial to Henry King, show both 
scholarship and poetical feeling. In 1640 he was made 
a Prebendary of Salisbury, and thereupon resigned his 
Fellowship, though he continued for a time to reside in 
College as a Fellow- Commoner. 

It was at Cambridge that in 1643 he preached before 
the University a memorable sermon in defence of forms 
of prayer. The use of the English Prayer Book was 
already threatened by the Assembly of Divines at 
Westminster, and Pearson came forward in its defence 
as Richard Cox had done at Frankfort a century before 
him. He protests against the men who " instead of the 
buyers and sellers would whip the very prayers out of 
the temple, with their new divinity sweeping out all 
good Christianity." And he asks whether Creeds also 
are henceforth to be extempore. " Shall we stand up 
and begin with ' I believe ' at a venture ? " After this 
declaration of war, it was only natural that he should 
be deprived of his Prebend, and of a Rectory which he 
held in Suffolk. In 1645 he was acting as Chaplain to 


Lord Goring's forces at Exeter, and in the following 
year he was in London engaged in controversy with 
Roman Catholics. But it was during the later years 
of the Commonwealth that his best known book was 
written. The parishioners of St. Clement's, East Cheap, 
had made him their Lecturer in 1654, and he began a 
series of sermons which were published in 1659 as an 
Exposition of the Creed. He does not seem to have 
been disturbed in these labours, and this may have 
been because he was now defending doctrines which 
were, for the most part, the common property of all 

After the Restoration his preferment was rapid. 
Within two years he became Master of Jesus, Mar- 
garet Professor of Divinity, and Master of Trinity. 
He took a prominent part in the Savoy Conference of 
1661, and the Puritan Divines recognised in him at 
once their ablest and most conciliatory antagonist. 
Baxter says that 

" he was their true logician and disputant, without whom, 
as far as I could discern, we should have had nothing but 
Dr. Gunning's passionate invectives. . . . He disputed 
accurately, soberly, and calmly, being but once in a passion, 
breeding in us a great respect for him, and a persuasion 
that if he had been independent he would have been for 
peace, and that if all were in his power it would have gone 

Pearson's later years belong to the history of Trinity 
College (for he resigned his Mastership of Jesus in 
1662). There he lived till he became Bishop of Chester 
in 1672, and there he wrote his second masterpiece, in 


defence of the genuineness of the seven letters of 
Ignatius. Taking advantage of Usher's discoveries, he 
practically settled the question till it was reopened in 
the nineteenth century. So great a scholar as Bentley 
has told us that the " very dust " of Pearson's writings 
" is gold." Certainly he combined a wide and accurate 
knowledge with a sober and well-balanced judgment ; 
and he created a tradition of thoroughness and modera- 
tion which has not been forgotten by Cambridge 
theologians of more modern times. 

William Oughtred belongs to an earlier generation 
than Pearson. He was a boy at Eton in the year of 
the Spanish Armada, and a Fellow of King's while 
Elizabeth was still on the throne ; but his principal 
work, Clavis Mathematics, or The Key of the Mathe- 
matics new forged and filed, was not written till 1631, 
nor much known till some years later. It is a syste- 
matic text-book, in Latin, on Algebra and Arithmetic, 
into which were introduced for the first time the symbols 
for multiplication and proportion. Although Oughtred 
was " much courted to reside in Italy, France, and 
Holland," it was long before he became famous in his 
own country. He had left the University in 1605, and 
after 1610 lived at Albury in Surrey, a parish of which 
he was Rector. There he received a visit from two 
clever young Cambridge men, one of whom was Seth 
Ward, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury, and well known 
as an astronomer. Being interested in the study of 
mathematics, they came "to be informed of many 
things in his Clavis, which at that time seemed very 
obscure to them." And, indeed, Oughtred himself, 
when accused of obscurity, had been content to reply, 


" non oscitantibus scrips! sed vere Matheseos Candi- 
datis " ; but he welcomed two such visitors as these, and 
had no difficulty in satisfying them. On their return 
to Cambridge, they proceeded to introduce the book 
there, and to lecture on it to their pupils. 

Oughtred's habits, according to his son's account, 
were rather irregular and eccentric. 

"He did use to lye abed till 11 or 12 o'clock with his 
doublet on. He studied late at night ; on the top of his 
bed-staffe he had his inkhorn fixt." 

Sometimes he " went not to bed for 2 or 3 nights, and 
would not come down to meals till he had found out 
the quaesitum." These habits did not impair his 
health ; for at the age of eighty he could handle his 
instruments as steadily as at that of thirty, a fact which 
he himself attributed to "temperance and archery." 
Newton calls him " that very good and judicious man, 
whose judgment (if any man's) may be safely relyed 
upon." He was threatened with sequestration in 1645, 
but escaped by the intervention of powerful friends ; 
and the close of the Commonwealth period found him 
still at Albury. If, as is said, he died of joy on hearing 
of the Restoration, his death was not quite sudden, or 
else the news travelled slowly to Albury ; for he lived 
till June 30, 1660; and the King was proclaimed at 
Westminster on May 8, though he did not enter London 
till May 29. 



EVEN in the days of Provost Goad the Fellows had 
shown some discontent with their share of the College 
revenues. The value of money had fallen, and they 
found their statutable allowances insufficient. The 
sympathy which was shewn to Edmund Hinde, when he 
refused to resign his Fellowship on succeeding to 
property worth 5 a year, was probably due to a con- 
viction that the Founder's estimate of wealth had 
become antiquated. Meantime the College revenues 
were increasing, though it is not easy to explain all the 
causes of this increase. It can hardly have been due 
to greater productiveness in their landed property, for 
the improvements made in farming during the seven- 
teenth century, by the cultivation of turnips and clover 
and the folding of sheep, had as yet hardly begun. 
Moreover, the custom of granting leases on easy terms 
to some favoured Fellows, when they left College, must 
have been a constant drain on the revenues. This 
practice, however, received a check in 1630, when the 
Visitor forbade the granting of leases by way of " Vales," 
unless there was a balance of 1000 marks in the treasury, 
and unless an amount equivalent in value to the lease 
was given to every Fellow leaving the College and not 


beneficed. The discontinuance of this practice would, 
of course, increase the resources of the College. As the 
habit of non-residence gradually grew, there must have 
been a diminution in the cost of commons ; and it is 
probable that during the Civil War and Commonwealth 
the College was never full. On the other hand, some 
loss must have been incurred by the difficulty of col- 
lecting dues. 

When the value of money sank, the amounts demanded 
in fines and rents rose. Thus the income of the Ruislip 
Estate, which in 1607 was 52, rose to 213 in 1664 ; 
and the whole income of the College, which stood at 
in 1583, rose during the next half-century to 
There must have been some corresponding 
increase in the sums paid by the College for commons 
and service ; but as some of the payments due from the 
College to its own members were fixed by Statute, this 
change in the value of money also helped to create a 
surplus, at the expense of the emoluments of individual 

As early as 1614 a custom began of dividing money 
at the sealing of leases, out of the fines paid on the 
renewal of a lease. As a general rule each Fellow 
received 5*. ; but sometimes the share of the different 
members varied with their degrees or seniority. In 
1648 it was agreed that out of every =100 received as 
fine, 5 should be treated as divisible. 

But, besides the fines, some irregular division of other 
moneys had already been practised by the Seniors, 
according to their own admission ; and on December 8, 
1648, the whole College agreed to recognise and adopt 
this practice, and they fixed the proportion which the 


different classes of the Society should henceforth receive 
both of dividend and fines. A few months later, the 
Provost's salary was raised to ^280, and as the Seniors 
were thought to have surrendered some of their emolu- 
ments under the recent settlement, certain fees, which 
they had been accustomed to receive from manorial 
courts held in Hampshire and elsewhere, were secured 
to them and to the Provost for the future. 

The amount of money treated as dividend in each 
year varied greatly ; in the seven years 1648-1654 it 
averaged ^1680 ; but nothing like this amount was 
maintained during the rest of the century. One cause 
of these exceptional receipts may have been the price of 
wheat, which for a few years was extraordinarily high. 
A law, passed in Elizabeth's reign, had obliged Colleges 
to receive one-third of their rents in kind, or in the 
actual money value of the corn and produce specified in 
the lease. This part of the rent was of course greatly 
enhanced, when wheat rose to the famine prices of T7s. 
and 85$. per quarter, and the increased cost of provisions 
would only partially counterbalance the gain. It is also 
possible that, in their uncertainty how a new revolution 
might affect them, the Society became somewhat im- 
provident, and divided more than was consistent with 
true husbandry. This was certainly the case at Eton, 
where the Puritan Fellows introduced the custom of 
charging all extraordinary expenses to capital, and of 
dividing the surplus income of each year among them- 
selves, a policy which is said to have brought the College 
within sight of bankruptcy. 

The settlement with respect to dividends was of great 
importance to the College, because henceforth it became 


an object of ambition to every Kingsman to keep his * 
Fellowship, even if he went permanently out of residence. 
As yet such non-residence was probably exceptional ; 
but in 1674 the Junior Fellows objected to their Seniors 
receiving " Perception " money, which had originally 
been paid for transacting College business (" ob perci- 
pienda Collegii negotia "), on the ground that some of the 
Seniors had been absent from the College for many 
years. By degrees the old home of poor residents 
changed into a College of Fellows, some of whom were 
habitually absentees, and few, strictly speaking, poor. 
One thing was still wanting to complete the transform- 
ation. The Statutes enjoined the Provost and Deans 
to see that all Fellows, except the four who studied 
medicine and Civil Law, should take Holy Orders 
within a fixed number of years from their first degree. 
In course of time this injunction was disregarded, and 
the Fellows remained laymen, unless they had a special 
interest in theology, or desired the College or University 
privileges attached to Divinity degrees, or unless they 
looked forward to pastoral work, which generally took 
the form of a College Living. 

Every one of these alterations was in direct contra- 
vention of the Statutes ; there was no ambiguity in the 
limit of sixty days as the maximum amount of absence 
from College allowed in each year, nor as to the time 
when Fellows should become Priests. It might have 
been reasonable to increase the stipends and allowances 
specified in the Statutes on the ground that the value of 
money had altered greatly in the course of two centuries ; 
but the provisions of the Statutes clearly required that 
all surplus money should be paid into the common 


purse and used for the common good of the Society. It 
is rather remarkable that neither Fellows nor Visitor 
felt any scruple about these revolutionary proceedings. 
The revolution may have been salutary and even 
necessary, but in modern days it would have been 
effected by a change of Statute. In the seventeenth 
century it was easier to break Statutes than to amend 

The settlement of the dividend did not, however, 
settle all controversies ; for when Bishop Fuller visited 
the College in September 1674, he found the old 
quarrels between Seniors and Juniors still rife. It 
seemed to him that a decision given by Bishop Williams, 
as Visitor, was partly the cause of this. Williams had 
introduced a new interpretation of the 46th Statute, 
and ordered that in transacting business, the places of 
any absent Seniors should be filled by those next in 
standing. The episcopal seal had never been affixed to 
this order, and it had soon been disregarded. The 
Juniors naturally wished Bishop Fuller to reaffirm it. 
But he thought the old interpretation was the better 
one. A case had lately happened which illustrated 
this. In 1665 the Provost, yielding to the importunity 
of some of the Fellows, invited the Society to pass a 
vote for a dividend. The majority of the Seniors 
present, foreseeing that this would cause a debt of 
d1200, opposed. All the Juniors and a minority of 
the Seniors supported the proposal. According to 
Bishop Williams's " supplementary caution," it would 
now have been proper for the Provost to summon the 
thirteen seniors in residence, whether technically Senior 
Fellows or not, in order to settle the question. This 


was not done, and no dividend was voted. As it was 
not till 1668 that there was enough money for a 
dividend, and then only owing to a windfall, the 
College was seen to have had a narrow escape. 

The Junior party appeared to be on stronger ground 
when they objected to the custom by which the Seniors 
received certain fees derived from the Manorial Courts? 
as well as a payment " in loco Ministratorum." Mention 
has been made in a former chapter of the fact that 
certain Seniors had Servitors to wait on them. The 
Servitor received the "diet left at the table," and 
actually paid the Senior ^6 a year for it. The practice 
was contrary to the Statutes and had been abolished ; 
yet instead of the old perquisite each Senior now re- 
ceived his 6 directly from the College. The Seniors 
justified this by enumerating the privileges which they 
had given up; among these, the fires in the Parlour 
before dinner and supper in the winter, which had been 
discontinued in order that fires might be maintained in 
the Hall, of which the Juniors also had the benefit. 
In particular, they pointed out that the abolition of 
Servitors had set free a house called the Pensionary ; for 
which the College now received rent and fines. 

Another charge brought by the Juniors was, that 
the office of Sacrist, ordered by the Statutes, had been 
dropped. The Sacrist had care of the vessels belonging 
to the Chapel, and (so it was alleged) visited the sick. 
According to the Juniors, for want of a Sacrist the 
sick " upon their deathbeds have often wanted and in 
vain desired his assistance, which high and unchristian 
neglect ... we humbly submit to your Lordship's 
pious and prudent consideration." To this the Seniors 


replied that the Sacrist had never had anything to do 
with the sick, and that, as a matter of fact, these were 
well cared for by the Priests living in College. He had 
charge of Books, Chalices, Crosses, Reliques, Vestments, 
Torches, and Tapers ; and " considering the change of 
religion and the few sacred utensils we now have, which 
are no other than what are daily exposed upon the 
Communion Table," it seemed quite unnecessary to 
revive the old office. 

The Seniors had no difficulty in making out a list of 
offences committed by the Juniors, such as the frequent- 
ing of alehouses and taverns, not only singly but in 
great companies, their dining and supping in the parlour, 
and their insisting on having " flesh " upon fish days. 
The undergraduate Fellows, soon after their election, 
were in the habit of entertaining both B.A.s and M.A.s 
at the taverns : 

" to an extravagant expense and an initiation into intem- 
perance. The like is done by several of the B.A.s and 
M.A.s on the Founder's Day, having the University 
Musique with them, so that they come not to Divine 
Service and do frequently sit up all or the greatest part of 
the night." 

The Provost also having made a complaint as to 
" excesses in apparel," the Fellows were ordered by the 
Visitor to wear only black. 

The Provost, at this time, was James Fleetwood, who 
had done good service to the royal cause during the 
war, and was Chaplain to Prince Charles, so that he 
was an obvious person to choose for the office ; although 
John Price, Chaplain and intimate friend of General 


Monk, who has left us a curious account of the part 
which he himself and his general took in the Restora- 
tion, may have thought his claim to a reward as great 
as that of Fleet wood. 

It must have been a sad day to some of the Fellows, 
when Benjamin Whichcote quitted the College, over 
which he had ruled so well, and within a few months 
the Society shewed their esteem for him by presenting 
him to the sinecure Rectory of Milton. There is hardly 
a trace of any other ejection. Thomas Crouch was 
now readmitted to his Fellowship, but resigned it 
immediately in favour of another member of the 
Crouch family. Thomas had at first turned his atten- 
tion to theology, and in 1633 had been admonished by 
the Vice-Provost for defending the Invocation of Saints 
as Respondent in a Disputation in Chapel, and it seems 
that he refused to retract and was discommuned for a 
week. He was twice Proctor, and there is a portrait 
of him at King's Lodge in his official dress. When 
ejected from his Fellowship in 1650 he had found a 
home in Trinity Hall. In 1660 he became M.P. for 
the University, and was most active in defending the 
rights of his constituents. Indeed, in 1674, when the 
London printers threatened to interfere with the 
privileges of the University Printers, the Vice-Chancellor 
of Oxford looked to Crouch as the best champion whom 
he could find. He was a benefactor to his College 
Library, and contributed liberally to the cost of the 
canopies which were placed over'the stalls in the Chapel 
during the last years of his life, 1675-78. The inscrip- 
tion over his tomb in one of the side Chapels bears no 
name, but only the words : 


" Aperiet Deus tumulos et educet 

Nos de Sepulchris. 
Qualis eram Dies istaec cum 
Venerit scies." 

During the Commonwealth period Roger Palmer 
entered King's as a Fellow-Commoner. He was too 
young to bear arms in the Civil War, but he freely 
hazarded his life in the plots which preceded the 
Restoration. His home life was spoiled by the con- 
duct of his wife Barbara, who became a Mistress of 
Charles II., and the Irish peerage of Castlemaine, 
obtained for him by her influence, was no consolation 
for this misfortune. He became a wanderer, first cruis- 
ing in the Levant with the Venetian squadron, then 
serving in the Duke of York's fleet in the Dutch 
war, and afterwards travelling to Syria and Africa. 
Apparently he was safer, as well as happier, abroad 
than at home; for on his return to England, about 
1677, he was denounced by Titus Oates as a Jesuit, 
and accused of plotting against the King's life. After 
half a year's imprisonment in the Tower, he was tried, 
and defended himself so well that even Chief Justice 
Scroggs was obliged to acquit him ; but his escape was 
partly due to the zeal and courage of another Kings- 
man, John Lytcott, who had been his companion 
abroad. Lord Castlemaine was a Roman Catholic, 
and as such was chosen by James II., in 1686, to 
establish relations with Innocent XI. at Rome. Such 
a course did not happen to suit the Pope, who ter- 
minated the audience by a violent fit of coughing, and 
told Lord Castlemaine that the early hours were best 
for travelling. When James fled, Lord Castlemaine 


retired to his home in Montgomeryshire, but he was 
arrested and committed to the Tower again on the 
capital charge of endeavouring to reconcile the Kingdom 
to the See of Rome ; nor was this his last visit to the 
Tower. He was a man of letters, as well as of action ; 
for he wrote a memoir of the Dutch war in French, and 
of the war between Turkey and Venice in English ; 
besides publishing a manly and eloquent vindication of 
the loyalty of English Roman Catholics. He seems to 
have deserved a better wife and better fortune than 
fell to his lot : for he was constantly in trouble, in 
spite of his abilities and loyalty. 

When Fleetwood became Bishop of Worcester in 
1675, Sir Thomas Page succeeded him as Provost. He 
had been Tutor to the virtuous Lord Ossory, the friend 
of Evelyn, and he afterwards acted as Private Secretary 
to Lord Ossory "s father, the Duke of Ormonde, when 
the latter was Lord Lieutenant in Ireland. Little is 
recorded of Page, except that he was a traveller and a 
linguist, and an amiable and accomplished bachelor, 
who gave some valuable Communion plate to the 
College, of which only a silver basket in filigree work 
now remains. He is said to have died suddenly, on 
August 8, 1681, in the act of rebuking an irregular 
Scholar. Of his successor, John Copleston, there is 
even less to tell. He was born at Lyme, and had the 
living of Chagford, and he is called " a good Preacher 
and an honest man." His last act, and, indeed, the only 
one recorded of him as Provost, was his administering 
to all his Fellows, in July 1689, the oaths against the 
right of the Pope to excommunicate Princes, and against 


His death, in this year, gave the Fellows the oppor- 
tunity of recovering their right to choose their own 
Provost : for resistance to a newly established dynasty 
might prove easier than it had been to a Tudor or a 
Stuart. The account of what happened is told by a 
Mr. Reynolds, who was admitted Scholar of King's in 
1689, and was afterwards Fellow of Eton and Canon of 
Exeter. Before the Fellows could meet for an election, 
one of their number, John Hartcliffe, had posted off to 
Court to warn the authorities. The College records 
have no mercy for this " false brother " ; but he must 
have been a man of some note, for he had been Head- 
master of Merchant Taylors School, and was afterwards 
chosen by Tillotson for a Canonry at Windsor. The 
result of his journey was that an order came to Cam- 
bridge for the election of Stephen Upman,* Fellow of 
Eton. The choice was an unfortunate one, for Upman 
had preached in Eton Chapel in favour of the toleration 
granted by King James to Roman Catholics as well as 
to Protestant Dissenters, and Reynolds adds : 

"I who was then in the 6 th Form was present at the 
sermon ; and I remember that the boys could not help 
observing in the faces of the Fellows and Masters there 
present, scorn in some, and indignation in others." 

It was therefore easy for the Kingsmen to represent 
Upman as no true Whig. Accordingly a new order 
was issued, in favour of Sir Isaac Newton, at that time 
M.P. for the University. Against so great and good a 
man the only possible objections were that he was an 
alien and a layman ; and these objections were made, 
* See Appendix D. 


Once more the Crown sent down a fresh order, this 
time for the election of John Hartcliffe himself. This 
was the most unpopular choice of all. No one would 
appear to receive the mandamus, which was left on the 
Hall table and was thrown over the wall in the night. 
On September 3 the Fellows met and elected Charles 
Roderick, then Headmaster of Eton. At the same 
time they took the precaution of writing to Lord 
Nottingham, asking him to represent to the King their 
objections to John Hartcliffe. Still they could hardly 
hope to escape from a law-suit, and they prepared to 
meet the expense, by promising to forego their dividends, 
turn their plate into money, and strike off the "second 
dish " at dinner. 

They did, however, succeed in obtaining an interview, 
which was held at Hampton Court. Three of the 
Society went there, and were arguing the case with the 
Crown lawyers, when there was a sudden hush and a 
whisper that the Queen was coming through the gallery. 
One of the Kingsmen, Dr. Layton, being rather deaf 
and very blind, did not perceive this, and at the critical 
moment struck the table with his fist, and cried out in 
a loud voice, " Mr. Attorney General, if we must bear 
the grievances of former reigns, then is the King in vain 
come in."" Queen Mary was startled by this speech, 
and the interview was brought to a sudden and not 
very promising end. However, soon afterwards, the 
King, on his way to Newmarket, paid a visit to King's 
College Chapel, attended by the Chancellor, the Duke 
of Somerset, when he told the College that, at the 
intercession of his friend the Duke, he gave his consent 
that the man they had chosen should be their Provost. 


On this, Layton, who was prepared beforehand, made a 
speech of thanks to the King on his knees. Roderick 
was now " admitted " by " old Gearing, who saving one 
year had been Vice-Provost for 40 successive years, and 
had admitted Roderick to his Scholarship." 

The battle was won by the College ; and no doubt 
the right was on their side. But whether it was worth 
winning is more doubtful. The College had owed much 
to such aliens as Sir John Cheke and Whichcote. If 
they could have secured Sir Isaac Newton as their Head, 
the presence of such a man must have done something 
to stimulate intellectual life. And before long such a 
stimulus was sadly wanted. During the eighteenth 
century the University reached its lowest point, both in 
numbers and learning. It was hardly possible that 
King's should escape the torpor of the times ; but most 
of the Provosts appointed by the College, though 
estimable and, in some cases, able men, had neither the 
width of experience nor the force of intellect which 
were necessary to withstand the depressing influences of 
the Hanoverian period. It would be rash to assert that 
a system of unrestricted choice by the Crown would 
have supplied the College with men of light and 
leading ; but it is at least a remarkable coincidence that 
about this time the College ceased to hold the high 
place in the University which it had consistently main- 
tained throughout the Tudor and Stuart periods, 



CHARLES RODERICK, the new Provost, had been a suc- 
cessful Headmaster of Eton since 1680 ; and this, in 
spite of an excessive modesty, which had induced him 
to resign the Rectory of Raynham in Norfolk because 
he could not face the ordeal of preaching to a country 
congregation, though he wrote many sermons. Perhaps 
it was the same bashfulness which prevented him from 
marrying till late in life, when his sufferings from gout 
seemed to need the care of a nurse rather than the 
companionship of a wife. His character is thus 
described by a contemporary : 

"He labour' d more his worth to hide 
Than others to have their' s descri'd ; 
The brightest Preachers that we have 
Do but reflect the light he gave. 
From these great Pupils may be seen 
How great the Tutor must have been." 

Another contemporary and less complimentary writer 
describes Roderick as "an overgrown Pedagog who 
never mounted a pulpit,' 1 and as one of "the five 
Smoking Heads." 

The fact that he was made Dean of Ely in 1708 may 


be taken as some evidence that his abilities were of a 
solid though not of a showy kind. 

The two Kingsmen, who accompanied Dr. Layton to 
the Hampton Court conference, both rose to some 
eminence. John Newborough succeeded Roderick at 
Eton. Under his excellent teaching and able manage- 
ment the School flourished greatly, and he was the 
first person to discover and encourage the talents of 
Robert Walpole. The third of the party at Hampton 
Court was William Fleetwood, nephew of Provost 
Fleetwood, who, unlike Roderick, was so celebrated a 
London preacher that he was known as "the silver- 
tongued." Queen Anne was one of his admirers, and 
spoke of him as " my Bishop " ; and she was right in 
her judgment, for he was much more than a mere 
preacher. His administration of his diocese (for he 
became Bishop of St. Asaph in 1708) was exemplary, 
and he seems in all respects to have been the model 
Bishop of his days. Yet even he could not keep out of 
the field of politics. It was the time of the Tory and 
High Church reaction; and Fleetwood, in publishing 
some sermons, took the opportunity, in May 1712, to 
write a preface, in which he attributed the failure of 
the Tories to obtain satisfactory terms of peace to the 
political distractions caused by themselves. 

" God, for our sins, permitted the spirit of discord to go 
forth, and by troubling sore the camp, the city, and the 
country, (and oh ! that it had altogether spared the places 
sacred to his worship), to spoil for a time this beautiful and 
pleasing prospect, and give us in its stead I know not 
what. Our enemies will tell the rest with pleasure." 



This preface, containing as it did a vindication of 
William and Mary, and upholding the principles of 
the Revolution as against the doctrine of Non-Resist- 
ance, was so displeasing to the party then in office that 
it was burned by order of the House of Commons. 
Persecution, as usual, brought popularity; and the 
preface was reprinted by Steele in the Spectator for 
May 21, 1712 ; and thus about 14,000 copies were con- 
veyed into the hands of people that might otherwise 
have never seen it nor heard of it. The accession of 
George I. naturally brought Fleetwood into favour 
again at Court, and in 1714 he became Bishop of Ely. 
It was a critical moment in the long controversy 
between Dr. Bentley and his College. The late Bishop 
of Ely, Dr. Moore, had just drawn up a sentence of 
ejection against the Master of Trinity ; but Fleetwood, 
who had reason to think ill of the character of some of 
Dr. Bentley's prosecutors, declared that, if he visited 
Trinity College at all, it should be to execute impartial 
justice on all delinquencies, whether of Master or Fellows. 
As it had been recently decided that the general Visi- 
tatorial power belonged to the Crown, Fleetwood's 
announcement was in fact a refusal to take any action 
in the case. 

When Fleetwood became Bishop of Ely, there was 
some expectation that another Kingsman might be pre- 
ferred to him. This was George Stanhope, who had 
been a Royal Chaplain and Boyle Lecturer, and was 
since 1704 Dean of Canterbury. He was well known 
both as a preacher and as a writer of practical theology, 
and he seems to have thoroughly deserved the respect 
and affection which were generally felt for him. 


It was during Roderick's tenure of the Provostship 
that the oldest and only surviving son of the great 
Duke of Marlborough came to King's College as a 
Fellow-Commoner, and was placed under the care of 
Francis Hare, of whom more will be said hereafter. 
Even allowing for the exaggerations, which are probable 
in such a case, the Marquis of Blandford seems to have 
been a lad of excellent disposition and no little promise. 
He was exemplary in conforming to the rules of his 
College, and in a letter to Lord Godolphin he expresses 
the warmest approbation both of the studies and dis- 
cipline of the place. But in the autumn of 1702 there 
was an alarm of smallpox, and he went for change of 
air to Newmarket. It was after his return to Cambridge 
that he was attacked by a malignant form of the disease. 
His brother-in-law, Francis Godolphin, was a member 
of the College, and in Cambridge at the time. The 
Duchess of Marlborough hurried to Cambridge, and 
sent back to London for medical advice But neither 
a letter from the Queen to her " dear Mrs. Freeman/' 
nor the despatch of Dr. Haines and Dr. Coladon from 
the Lord Treasurer's house in a hackney-coach with six 
horses, could save the poor boy. His father came in 
time to see him before his death on February 20, 1703, 
and then returned with a heavy heart to the campaign 
on the Meuse and Rhine. Lord Blandford's monu- 
ment in one of the side Chapels, where he lies, attests 
the affection of his parents rather than their artistic 

During Queen Anne's reign party feeling, whether in 
politics or theology, was at fever heat. Dr. Tudway, 
Professor <>f Music and Organist of King's, thinking 


that the Ministry was showing too much favour to 
Dissenters, allowed himself in public company to make 
a bad pun on Queen Anne, and he was deprived for a 
time both of his degrees and of all his offices. A few 
years later the Lucasian Professor, William Whiston, 
was cited to appear before Roderick, then Vice- 
Chancellor, at King's Lodge, charged with having 
publicly maintained Arian tenets, and was banished 
from the University for heresy. It was also a time of 
transition in University studies, for Newton's Principia 
now began to form the subject-matter of exercises in 
the schools and afterwards of examination for degrees. 
Edward Littleton, who went to King's in 1716, 
expressed his disgust at the neglect of classics in a 
poetic epistle to his friend Archer : 

"Now, Algebra, Geometry, 
Arithmetic, Astronomy, 
Optics, Chronology, and Statics, 
All tiresome points of Mathematics, 
With twenty harder names than these 
Disturb my brains and break my peace." 

And he proceeds to describe how he is learning that 
ink is not black, and that a fire possesses no heat. 

The records which remain of another Kingsman, 
William Batty, throw some further light on the studies 
and discipline of the College about this time. In spite 
of Littleton's complaints, Batty at any rate did not 
give up his classics, and was the first Kingsman who 
gained the Craven Scholarship in 1724; not, indeed, 
without difficulty, for the Examiners were equally 
divided between him and Bentley of Trinity. The 


nomination lapsed to Lord Craven, who six months 
later gave the Scholarship to Batty. Batty by this 
time had given up all thoughts of it ; but, feeling that 
with this addition he could live on his Fellowship, he 
proceeded to lay out a fresh course of reading, which 
included the study of Newton, English and modern 
history, and some law. 

Batty's great rival at Eton had been one Thomas 
Morell. They came to King's about the same time, 
where they still continued to torment each other. 
Morell writes: 

" His mother very kindly recommended us to a Chandler 
at 4*. 6d. per dozen. But, as the candles proved dear even 
at that price we resented it; and one evening, getting 
into Battle's room before Canonical hours,* we locked him 
out and stuck up all the candles we could find in his box, 
lighted, round the room ; and while I thrummed on the 
spinnet, the rest danced round me in their shirts. Upon 
Battle's coming and finding what we were at, he fell 
to storming and swearing, till the old Vice Provost 
Dr. Willymott called out from above, ' Who is that swear- 
ing like a common soldier ? ' 'It is I,' quoth Battie. 
' Visit me,' quoth the Vice Provost, which indeed we were 
all obliged to do next morning, with a distich, according to 
custom. Mine naturally turned upon ' So fiddled Orpheus 
and so danced the Brutes ' ; which having explained to the 
Vice Provost, he punished me and Sleech with a few lines 
of Homer and Battie with the whole third book of Milton 
to get by heart.'' 

* " Canonical hours " lasted from the close of morning chapel to 
8 A.M., and from 8 P.M. to 9 P.M. During these periods it was the 
duty of the Junior of each Chamber to keep the door shut and 
exclude strangers. 


Batty afterwards forsook the study of law for that of 
medicine, and became a doctor of some eminence. He 
was already engaged in this profession when, in 1729, 
he edited Isocrates. His criticisms on that author did 
not satisfy Morell, who wrote an epigram ending with 
the following lines : 

" Confine yourself to licence given 

Nor dare beyond your trade, 
Tho' you are free to kill the living, 
Yet prythee spare the dead." 

After this, it may be hoped that Morell left his old 
schoolfellow alone. 

In 1712 John Adams had succeeded to the Provost- 
ship ; he does not seem to have taken a prominent part 
in University politics, although he had to make a Latin 
speech to George I. when that King paid a flying visit 
to Cambridge on October 6, 1717. The seven years of 
his Provostship are chiefly noticeable from the fact that 
a serious effort was now made to enlarge the College 

The old Court had never really sufficed for the wants 
of the College, and from the earliest days some buildings 
near the present Porter's Lodge had been set apart as 
the " Clerks 1 Lodging " and gone by the name of the 
"Conductes 1 Court." More than a century later, in 
1571 or 1574, the Hall of St. Austin's Hostel, which 
stood on ground now occupied by the College Hall, was 
fitted up as rooms for Fellow-Commoners and styled 
" the Pensionary " ; and in the north-west corner of the 
old Court itself two chambers for Fellows were gained 
by building a tower, and so enlarging what had served 


as a Library till Provost Goad removed the books to 
the southern side Chapels. 

But in the seventeenth century the improvement in 
the College property and the demand for a higher 
standard of comfort must have been felt as reasons for 
attempting something more ambitious ; indeed, a MS. 
account of the " state of King's College relating to their 
present design of building " remarks that the 

" old unfinished building having been slightly patch'd up 
at several times has grown more and more inconvenient 
and more unwholesome, there being but 27 rooms in it for 
the 70 Fellows and Scholars ; some of which rooms are of 
lath work, 8 more of them ground chambers, and most of 
them very dark, damp, and unwholesome, being about 2 
feet underground." 

A letter from Lord Dartmouth to Provost Copleston 
on March 14, 1686, reminding the latter of " his good 
Disposition to attempt something towards y* Building 
of our College," is evidence of the conviction which was 
gradually forcing itself on the minds of Kingsmen. 
Lord Dartmouth writes : 

" I shou'd think it a great Addition to y e Happiness of my 
Life to see a Work so necessary for your own Convenience 
to go Forward in his Majesty's Reign. Begin therefore a 
Found among yourselves either by cutting down Timber 
(w ch cannot be dispos'd of to a better use) or what other 
ways your Prudence shall think best ; And if you shall 
think fitt to lett me know your Proceedings, when this 
Design shall be reduc'd to some Method and Ripeness, I 
will not be wanting on my own Part, and to recommend 
both it and your selves to his Majesty's gracious Patron- 


The writer of this letter, "Honest and faithful 
George Legge," as James II. called him, had entered 
King's College from Westminster School, and in 1683 
became Baron Dartmouth. He gained great reputation 
by his services in the Dutch war, and was Admiral in 
command of the fleet when William crossed the Channel. 
But, though his own loyalty was above suspicion, and 
his courage had been shown by driving the Dutch out 
of his ship when on the point of sinking and by after- 
wards bringing her safe into harbour, he was unable to 
strike a blow at the critical moment on behalf of his 
master, because his Captains had adopted the Orange 
cause. This failure did not, however, save him from 
being accused of treasonable practices, and he died in 
the Tower, 1691. He was very popular with the sailors, 
who raised something like a riot when they thought 
that he was being ill-treated in his prison, and could 
only be pacified by his personal assurance that this was 
not so. Bishop Burnet says that he was the worthiest 
nobleman in King James's Court, to whose fortunes he 
always adhered, though he had opposed the policy 
which was the cause of the King's downfall. His only 
son, who rose to be a Secretary of State, was also a 
Kingsman, and resembled his father in being a moderate 
Tory and a man of high character. Swift said of him 
that his only fault was that he " treated his clerks with 
more civility and good manners than others in his 
station have done the Queen." The first Lord Dart- 
mouth's advice to the College did not bear fruit during 
Roderick's life. But John Adams, on succeeding to 
the Provostship in 1712, exerted himself to the utmost 
in promoting the project. 


The first step was the creation of a Fund. Not long 
before, a fire had destroyed part of the Hall, a chamber, 
and some studies ; and with a view to rebuilding these 
it was agreed to sell timber out of Toft Monks Wood 
in Norfolk, to the value of 500. However, it was 
found better to cut down the whole wood; and on 
May 8, 1714, a solemn resolution was adopted and 
signed by the Provost and eighteen Fellows to the 
effect that the .2640 arising from the sale of this 
timber, including what was left after repairing the 
damage done by the fire, should never be used for any 
other purpose than the extension of the College buildings. 
Any other money which should hereafter arise from the 
sale of timber was, by the same resolution, devoted to the 
like purpose. 

Adams had meanwhile been doing his best to collect 
subscriptions, and to interest the Queen herself in the 
project, and he tells the Bursar, 

" I have prospect of assistance from private Hands which 
I did not expect, and do not doubt but I shal see some 
very good effects of their Promises in a few months, tho' I 
am often forct to draw back for fear of pressing too far." 

Even before the date of the solemn engagement 
mentioned above, Adams had gone so far as to consult 
Sir Christopher Wren, and to get plans and models 
from Hawkesmore, who was one of Wren's pupils. It 
was proposed not only to complete the Quadrangle to 
the south of the Chapel, but also to build a Cloister and 
Bell Tower to the west; to continue the old line of 
King's Lane to the river, and on one side of it to place 
a new Provost's Lodge and on the other a brewhouse 


and stables. The plans also included bridges and 

The Provost suggested certain alterations in the 
design, which he thought overloaded with ornament ; 
and in particular desired that the studies and bedrooms 
in the west wing should look towards the river, and not 
into the east Court, as Hawkesmore intended. Like 
some other architects, Hawkesmore was inclined to 
assume that his employers possessed the purse of 
Fortunatus, and the Provost writes : " The most ex- 
pensive part will be the Cloyster, but it is y e hardest for 
Mr. Hawkesmore to part withal." 

Adams did not live to see the work begun. But his 
efforts in the cause continued to the end ; and in what 
seems to be his last letter he refers to a representation 
which is to be laid before the Visitor, and to an inter- 
view with Lord Townshend : 

" My Lord received the Vice Provost and myself with all 
kindness and encouragement ; was mightily pleased with 
some Plans w ch I carryd with me and w oh I left with 
M r Poyntz to shew to M r Wallpool. The two models are 
with M r Hawksmore, who may be heard of at Sir John 
Vanbrough's, Whitehall. . . . There is no fault in y e 
best model, but only as to y e Arcade or front over it. His 
fancy is too luxuriant sometimes, but his judgment very 
good . . . and if he be not continued as a kind of Surveyor, 
His Demands will be very Exorbitant for what he has done 
and not been already payd for." 

The letter more than once speaks of the writer's 
fatigue in consequence of his journey, and his exertions 
in the cause may have shortened his life. Antony 
Allen tells us that he died at the end of the year 1719 


of an apoplexy a few days before he was to have been 
introduced to the King, it having been intimated to 
the Society that the King would bestow <>200 for the 
new building. According to Allen, Adams had in his 
younger years contracted heavy debts jointly with 
others "embarked in the same cause of prodigality." 
Eventually the whole burden "devolved upon the 
Doctor, which embarrassed him to that excess that 
all his Preferment tho' very considerable was scarce 
sufficient to keep him out of Prison. 11 It is added that 
he left his wife and children in great want. There 
is something very pathetic in the position of a man 
devoting himself to raise for the benefit of the College 
funds which were sorely needed for his own relief. 

From Adamses last letter it seems that the College 
already contemplated a change of architect ; and before 
January 1723 plans had been obtained of James Gibbs, 
and it was determined to begin the west side of the 
intended Court, for which Portland stone was used. 
According to the new plans the Cloister and other 
buildings towards the river were abandoned, but there 
was to be an east side corresponding to the one now 
to be taken in hand, and a south wing with Hall, 
Provost's Lodge, and offices. The west building was 
to be adorned with statues ; but the arcades, which had 
formed part of Hawkesmore's design, were given up. 

It was on March 25, 1724, that the first stone was 
actually laid. After hearing a sermon from one of the 
Senior Fellows (Gregory Doughty) and an anthem 
composed for the occasion by Dr. Tudway, the Vice- 
Chancellor, who happened to be Andrew Snape the 
new Provost of King's, with the Noblemen, Heads, and 


other members of the University, all joined in the 
ceremony. One notable figure was missing. Dr. Bentley 
had been suspended from his degrees for the last six 
years; and though the Court of King's Bench had 
condemned this action of the University, yet the act of 
restitution was purposely postponed till March 26, in 
order that he might have no part in the ceremony. If 
any of the company present were inclined to be super- 
stitious, it may have seemed to them of evil omen that 
the greatest Scholar of his times should have no share 
in wishing God-speed to a building which was intended 
to be a home of sacred and profane learning. The 
stone actually laid was, by tradition, believed to be one 
which, more than 250 years before, the workmen had 
left half sawn through when they heard of the deposition 
of Henry VI. 

It was not till 1730 that the building was ready for 
wainscoting, and by that time funds had run short. 
Mr. Essex was accordingly employed to do only one 
half in the first instance ; but a little later it was 
decided that the whole building should be fitted up, if 
twenty-four Fellows would undertake to pay 5 each in 
rent. They might also underlet their rooms to Fellow- 
Commoners for \5. This arrangement was made, and 
in 1753 it was found possible to reduce the rent due 
from Fellows. The College borrowed money from their 
neighbours at Corpus and Peterhouse, and also got the 
Visitor's leave to sell the old bells. But what eventually 
extinguished the debt was a bequest of Mr. Hungerford, 
who left to the College his property of Upavon in Wilt- 

Cole, writing in 1750, expresses his doubts whether 


the new building was a real gain to the College. 
Admitting that the Society was straitened for room, 
and that the building was a great ornament to the 
University, he says that these rents were so burdensome 

" ever since I have inhabited the New Building now about 
16 years, not half of the Rooms have been let ; but the 
Fellows chose rather to inhabit the old Building, where 
they pay nothing for their Chambers, and are near the Hall, 
and within Reach of the Bedmakers and Servants; the 
distance from which makes the New Building very incon- 
venient ; besides the new Apartments are so sumptuous 
and grand that it requires more than the narrow Appoint- 
ment of a Fellow of the College to fit up in such a manner 
as would become them ; so that upon the whole it has 
been thought that, if a Gothic and less magnificent Building 
had been erected, it would have suited the Taste of the 
Chapel better, been more convenient for the members, and 
there had been a greater Probability of seeing the whole 
Quadrangle compleated ; which, as the case now stands, 
there seems to be a small Prospect of. Dr. Snape in his 
Life Time gave 250 Pounds towards the Design, which it 
is supposed in the whole cost 20,000 Pounds." 

During the first quarter of the eighteenth century, 
Cambridge was much occupied with the eccentricities 
of Dr. Bentley, and the names of two Kingsmen are 
intimately connected with some circumstances in that 
memorable career. These were Antony Collins and 
Francis Hare. Collins had been a friend of Locke, and 
had already engaged in his first controversy with Dr. 
Samuel Clarke before he published, in 1713, his 
Discourse of Freethinking, the object of which was 


to shew that all belief should be based on free inquiry, 
and that such inquiry would be destructive of orthodox 
views. The position and character of Collins made him 
a serious antagonist, for he was said to have an " estate 
in the country, a library in town, and friends every- 
where."" In 1715 he settled in Essex, and made himself 
useful as a country magistrate, besides continuing his 
controversial writings. Whatever may have been the 
value of his philosophy, his scholarship was very defec- 
tive ; and Bentley, in an anonymous treatise dedicated 
" to my very learned and honoured friend F. H., D.D., 
at London," exposed the mistakes and ignorance of 
the Discourse in a merciless manner. Though the 
treatise was anonymous, the authorship was no secret ; 
and Hare addressed a pamphlet to Bentley, full of 
extravagant praise for the labours of the latter, coupled 
with a suggestion that Bentley should undertake a new 
critical edition of the Scriptures. 'Hare had been some 
years senior to Collins at King's, where he had acted as 
Tutor to Robert Walpole as well as to the Marquis of 
Blandford ; he had afterwards been Chaplain- General 
of the army in Flanders, and both a protege and 
champion of the Duke of Marlborough. He was now a 
Fellow of Eton, who managed to combine High Church 
theology with Whig politics. If he had confined him- 
self to these subjects, he would have escaped a collision 
with his old friend Bentley; but, unfortunately, in 
1724 he produced an edition of Terence with a disser- 
tation on Comic Metres. All that Hare knew of Comic 
Metres he had learned from Bentley ; and he had 
assumed, without inquiry, that Bentley 's labours as 
Professor of Divinity would prevent him from carrying 


out an old intention of editing Terence. But he roused 
the wrath of the giant by poaching on his preserves ; 
and it was not long before Bentley produced a rival 
edition, in which he demolished Hare, and spoiled the 
sale of his work. Together with the Terence, however, 
Bentley published a very inferior edition of Phaedrus, 
an author on whom he knew Hare to be engaged. This 
gave his victim a chance ; and in a Latin letter 
addressed to Dr. Bland, Headmaster of Eton, Hare 
showed his resentment by not only attacking the 
Phaedrus, but also by a general indictment of Bentley 's 
learning and character. The inconsistency between the 
Epistola Critica of 1727 and what Hare had written in 
praise of Bentley fourteen years before was too glaring 
not to be noticed, and it is no wonder if Sir Isaac 
Newton complained that two divines should " be fight- 
ing one another about a play-book." 

The quarrel did not interfere with Harems promotion. 
In the same year he became Bishop of St. Asaph, and 
a little later Bishop of Ely. In 1736 Sir Robert 
Walpole wished him to succeed Archbishop Wake at 
Canterbury ; but he had lately opposed Government 
measures for the relief of Dissenters; and, if Cole's 
opinion of him is accurate, that, though he was a man 
of sharp and piercing wit and sound practical judg- 
ment, he was also of a sour and crabbed disposition, it 
can hardly be regretted that his promotion stopped short 
at Ely. Certainly his behaviour to Bentley was not 
worthy of an Archbishop of Canterbury. 

It must have been some help to the College that, at 
the time when they were most in need of money for 
their great building schemes, two Kingsmen were the 


two most powerful Ministers. These were Lord 
Townshend and Sir Robert Walpole, of whom the 
former matriculated in 1691, the latter in 1696. Their 
union was dissolved in 1729 by the resignation of 
Townshend, who had been outstripped in political life 
by his colleague and brother-in-law, and who was un- 
willing to take the lower place. But, in spite of some 
imperfection of temper, Townshend was as superior to 
Walpole in character as he was inferior in ability. He 
was deservedly popular at Cambridge, among other 
reasons because it was he who had prompted George I. to 
present to the University Bishop Moore's Library ; and it 
is remarkable that it was the Nobleman and Fellow-Com- 
moner who showed an interest in literature and education, 
while the ex-Scholar, apart from his politics and his 
pictures, remained a sporting squire of the coarsest type. 
Robert Walpole, being only the second son of a Norfolk 
baronet, was a Scholar both at Eton and King's. While 
an undergraduate he nearly died of smallpox, but 
was saved by the skill of a Tory physician, Dr. Brady, 
who remarked to a Fellow of the College, " We must 
take care to save this young man, or we shall be accused 
of having purposely neglected him because he is so 
violent a Whig." Brady seems to have recognised 
Walpole's abilities, for he said of him 1 : " His singular 
escape seems to me a sure indication that he is reserved 
for important purposes." 

In 1698, on the death of his elder brother, Robert 
Walpole became heir to the Hough ton property, resigned 
his Scholarship, and went to live at home. From this 
time his career becomes part of English history, and it 
must be left to our historians to decide whether the 


benefits of peace and material prosperity, which his 
long supremacy secured to his country, were too dearly 
purchased by the organised corruption and habitual 
discouragement of any disinterested standard of political 
conduct, which must also be associated with his name. 
It is difficult to trace any connection between his public 
career and education, unless it is to be found in his know- 
ledge of Latin, which he used in his conversations with 
George I. His mastery of finance could hardly have 
been gained at College ; his extraordinary acuteness, 
imperturbable temper, and tolerant disposition were 
probably no more the result of an Eton and Cambridge 
training than were the coarseness and immorality of 
his private life. But he was thoroughly loyal to his 
old College. When thanked for contributing 500 to 
the new building, he said : " I deserve no thanks ; I have 
only paid for my board.*" He was always ready to 
promote his old friends, unless they were political 
opponents; and it must be added that they were 
generally willing to be promoted. Indeed, it must 
have been a surprise to the Minister, when he sent for 
Robert Staples, an old Kingsman for whom he had a 
great regard, and asked how he could serve him. Staples, 
though by no means an old man, and possessed only of 
the small country living of Shottesbrook in Berkshire, 
replied that he wanted nothing. This must have been 
before 1722, when Staples died, having first written as 
his own epitaph : 

(t Pastor immeritus 
Qui sui gregisque rationem 

Hinc decessit." 



FOUR years before the first stone of the new building 
was laid, Andrew Snape had been elected Provost, in 
spite of Court influence which was exerted in favour of 
Dr. Waddington. He was already a well-known man. 
He had been chaplain to the Chancellor, the Duke of 
Somerset ; he had gone to the jubilee of the University 
of Frankfort on the Oder as representative of Cam- 
bridge theology, and there had read an address to the 
King of Prussia ; and he had also preached before the 
Electress Sophia. He had become a Chaplain of Queen 
Anne, and was a popular London preacher. In 1711 
he was made Headmaster of Eton, which grew and 
prospered under him ; and it was said that he added 
the name of a town boy, without his parents' consent, 
in order to make up the then unparalleled number of 
400 boys. But he was soon to become even more 

In 1717, Bishop Hoadley preached his celebrated 
sermon on the Kingdom of Christ, in which he denied 
that the Church had any power of legislation or dis- 
cipline, and also objected to fervency in prayer. The 
sermon is at once a manifesto on behalf of the absolute 
right of private judgment, and a protest against en- 


thusiasm. Snape was the first to enter the field against 
him with a Letter to the Bishop of Bangor. He ridi- 
cules Hoadley's new "Sect of Protestant Quietists," 
and points out that his principles are fatal to all Churches 
that have existed from the days of the Apostles down- 
wards, to all Creeds and all Articles. There is no want 
either of force or dignity in Snape^s letter, which rapidly 
went through seventeen editions. The attack was 
kept up by Sherlock, Master of Hoadley^s own College, 
St. Catharine Hall ; and William Law, himself probably 
the most powerful of Hoadley's antagonists, wrote in 
support of Snape. 

At a later stage in the controversy, when writing 
against M. de la Pillioniere, an ex- Jesuit, who was Tutor 
to the young Hoadleys, Snape indulged in personalities, 
and accused Hoadley of sophistry and equivocation. 
But even then both of his opponents spoke of him 
with respect ; the Bishop saying that he had not 
expected to receive from Dr. Snape anything that was 
not humane, gentlemanlike and Christian ; and the 
private Tutor acknowledging that Snape was, in 
every body "*s judgment, one of the brightest orna- 
ments of what he calls the "Laudean" Church. 
Other critics were less civil, and made fun of Snape^s 
profession : 

" First, stern Orbilius in the Lists appears, 
Debauch' d in Faction from his Infant years, 
To wage eternal war with Spotless Truth 
And sow sedition in the tender youth. 
The worldly Church in his affections reigns, 
As some men court the Heiress for her gains. 


His every period, crabbed and severe, 
Smells of the birch and terrifies the ear. 
His malice to no Parties is confin'd, 
But hates alike all Protestant mankind." 

Whatever Snape's hopes of preferment may have been, 
his zeal on this occasion cost him his Royal Chaplaincy, 
and the most serious result of the controversy was, that 
Convocation, when on the point of censuring Hoadley*s 
sermon, was silenced and suspended for more than a 
century. Snape, in private life, is said to have been 
" a man of an amiable, sweet, and affable temper, which, 
however, was observed to be somewhat ruffled and 
soured towards the latter end of his time," partly 
because the majority of the College had become Whig, 
and partly from attacks of the gout so frequent and 
severe that he had to be carried into Chapel in a sedan- 
chair and lifted into his stall. He was also in some 
degree a disappointed man, for he attributed to Sir 
Robert Walpole^s persistent opposition the fact that he 
had not reached higher preferment. In his manage- 
ment of the College he was too much in the hands of 
one or two Senior Fellows, especially of John Burford. 
The Provost made no secret of this, and says in his 

" I am so far from being ashamed to have it said of me 
that he governed me that I value myself for nothing so 
much as having suffered his counsels to have such weight 
with me as they had ; of which the Society will reap the 
lasting benefit, when the present bickerings shall be 

The allusion is to the gradual change in the sentiments 


of the Fellows under the influence of Mr. Nicholas 
Harding, a successful barrister and protege of Sir 
Robert Walpole, who rose to be Clerk of the House 
of Commons and afterwards M.P. for Eye. It was 
Harding who was called upon, when Clerk of the House 
of Commons, to decide a bet between Walpole and 
Pulteney on the accuracy of a Latin quotation made by 
the former. The decision was in favour of Pulteney, 
who, on receiving his guinea, observed that it was the 
first public money which he had handled for a long 
time. Burford must have been an ambitious as well as 
a masterful man, for he actually cherished hopes of 
succeeding the Duke of Somerset as Chancellor of the 
University, and the Master of Peterhouse, Dr. Whalley, 
was for a time at the head of a party formed to promote 
this wild scheme. 

While the new building was in progress, the Provost's 
attention was distracted by a serious case of discipline. 
In January 1723, John Dale had been admitted a 
Scholar. He was evidently one of those students who 
seem born to vex the souls of Dons. The Headmaster 
of Eton had said of him that " there was a person gone 
to King's College that would lampoon the Senior 
Fellows and make the officers" hearts ake." That Dale 
was a man of some promise may be inferred from th e 
fact that he was one of the twenty students chosen to 
be placed under the care of the newly created Regius 
Professor of Modern History, to be trained for a diplo- 
matic or political career, and, as the choice of these 
students rested with the King or his Ministers, he was 
evidently not without interest in official circles. 

For some time Dale's delinquencies were of a common- 


place type; he was frequently absent from Chapel, 
Hall, and Lectures, and though he generally pretended 
sickness or fear of smallpox, yet he was seen on these 
occasions out in the town or country. It was therefore 
clear that he made light of College rules. But during 
his last year, not content with breaking rules, he took 
to insulting those who had to administer them. Having, 
on some occasion, been ordered to write and read aloud 
in Hall an apology to one of the College officers, he 
produced instead a document which evidently reflected 
on the Provost and Seniors, and it was with great diffi- 
culty that he was induced by his friends to make a sub- 
mission which saved him from expulsion. 

It was some time after this incident that it fell to 
his turn to deliver in Hall the yearly declamation on 
the anniversary of Gunpowder Plot. This gave him an 
opportunity of retaliation which he did not miss. He 
had, according to custom, shown his exercise to a 
Fellow, who earnestly advised him to leave out several 
passages ; but Dale would not even consent to correct 
some faults of Latinity, and when he delivered his 
speech on November 5, 1725, it was said that the " fury 
and rage of his gesture, looks, and tone of voice " were 
indescribable. The speech itself is still extant, and is 
written in very respectable Latin ; the matter chiefly 
consists of a rather childish attack on Roman Catholi- 
cism. He asserts that James I. had done his best to 
favour Popery, and that there was grave suspicion that 
his courtiers had something to do with Prince Henry's 
death ; he seems to approve of the rebellion against 
Charles I., and to exalt dissenters as champions of 
Protestantism in comparison with the Established 


Church. These were the points which, together with 
the speaker's manner, gave most offence to the Society, 
especially as it was not obscurely hinted that some of 
them were no true friends to the Revolution of 1688. 
At the end of the month Dale was summoned before a 
full meeting of the College, and his attention was called 
to the offensive passages ; whereupon he made a written 
reply " more shuffling, evasive, impudent and contemp- 
tuous than any words can set forth. 1 ' The Provost 
warned him that his impracticable temper might cost 
him his Fellowship in the following January, and this 
would certainly have been the case if a friend had not 
interceded, and also persuaded Dale to sign a recanta- 
tion. In this document, after confessing that during 
his years of probation he had given "just offence in 
severall Instances of an untractable and ungovernable 
disposition, 1 " he ended by promising that 

" I will be ready after my admission to my Fellowship to 
make such satisfaction for the just offence I have given to 
the Society (which I do freely acknowledge I did design to 
give) by my late speech as shall be required by the Provost 
and proper officers." 

On the faith of this promise he was admitted a 
Fellow; but when an apology was drawn up for him 
to read he refused, defending the various passages to 
which objection had been taken. The Provost gave 
him seventeen days in which to think better of it and 
consult his friends. But he persisted in his refusal, and 
was then put out of commons and confined to his 
chamber. This action was taken under the llth 
Statute, which requires obedience to the Provost, and 


enacts that, if the offender remains obstinate after 
fifteen days, he shall be expelled. During the fifteen 
days he must remain a prisoner in his own rooms and 
provide himself with meals at his own expense. The 
next day, after sentence had been pronounced, Dale 
applied for leave to go to Buckden and lay his case 
before the Visitor. The Provost told him to wait till 
his application had been considered, but Dale started 
off at once. This rendered him liable to deprivation 
under the 58th Statute, which requires members of the 
Society to submit to all punishments duly imposed, 
without resorting to appeals or any other methods of 
postponing punishments, on pain of deprivation ; and 
he was accordingly deprived of his Fellowship. 

It was not likely that Dale would accept this as 
the conclusion of the matter. He had recourse to 
the law, and for a time found a refuge in the office 
of Lord Townshend, then Secretary of State, where 
he received warm support in his action against the 

The preliminary proceedings were held at West- 
minster Hall, where it was settled that the Visitor 
might receive an appeal from a single Fellow. On the 
other hand, the College gained a victory in the decision 
that the Visitor must hear all appeals within the College 
precincts. Early in March 1726 the Visitor, Bishop 
Reynolds, came to Cambridge, and the case was argued 
in the College Hall by lawyers retained on each side. 
The first day was taken up with the question whether 
Dale had appealed against his expulsion or against the 
suspension of commons, and when it was decided that 
the appeal was against the original punishment, his 


counsel proceeded to argue that expulsion after this 
appeal was an attack on the Visitor's jurisdiction. 

The sittings continued on the following day from 
9 A.M. to 8 P.M., one of Dale's counsel arguing that 
faults committed during his undergraduateship were 
condoned by admission to the Fellowship, "osculo 
pacis " ; another, Nicholas Harding, quoting a passage 
from a sermon preached at St. Mary's by the Provost, 
which was distorted into a condemnation of the Revolu- 
tion of 1688. This may have been done either to 
justify Dale's innuendoes against the loyalty of his 
College or to bias the Visitor. But counsel chiefly 
insisted on the argument, that punishment should have 
been inflicted for " detraction " under the 33rd Statute, 
which allows suspension of commons for fifteen days, 
but does not, as in the case of the llth Statute, result 
in deprivation of Fellowship, if the offender continues 
obstinate. The College counsel of course argued that 
other Statutes were equally applicable to the case, and 
that, where the particular offence was not specified in 
the Statutes, the Provost had a general power. At the 
close of the day's proceedings the Visitor asked for the 
appellant's bill of costs, a clear indication that he 
meant to decide in his favour ; and accordingly, on the 
third morning, he gave judgment that Dale's crime, if 
any, was " detraction," and should have been punished 
with fifteen days' suspension of commons. The usual 
wrangle followed about costs, and eventually the sum of 
*160 was allowed to Dale, whose whole costs amounted 
to the prodigious amount of 600. The Visitor ended 
by ordering that, if any person who is punished says 
that he appeals, the officers shall proceed no further till 


the case is heard and determined by the Visitor. An 
account, which professes to come from Batty, the young 
Fellow appointed to be Dale's companion during the 
confinement of the latter to his rooms, represents the 
College case as breaking down, because the Visitor 
would pay no attention to any promise which Dale had 
made before admission to his Fellowship, and because 
the Provost was unable to point to any particular 
Statute under which Dale was ejected. The llth 
Statute seems to be sufficient for the purpose, but 
perhaps the College counsel mismanaged their case. 

Dale's speech of November 5, taken by itself, hardly 
seems deserving of all the censure which it received ; 
but we are not able to judge of the offensiveness of the 
manner which accompanied its delivery, nor was it the 
first time that he had gone out of his way to insult his 
Seniors. The College authorities certainly acted weakly 
in admitting him to his Fellowship before he had 
apologised ; and there is some reason to believe that 
their leniency was due to a fear of losing the contribu- 
tions of the great Whig families to the new building. 
The bad faith which Dale showed in breaking the con- 
ditions on which he had gained his Fellowship was 
quite inexcusable ; and it is not uncharitable, from all 
that we know of Bishop Reynolds, to suspect that his 
decision may have been partly due to other than purely 
judicial considerations. 

The sequel of Dale's story is told in a few words by 
Antony Allen, viz., that "he lived some years much 
disturbed in his understanding, and soon died." Batty's 
account confirms this. According to him, immediately 
after the Visitor's decision the Provost sent for Dale. 


Dale went to the Lodge, expecting a scene and prepared 
to resent any recriminations. But to his surprise the 
Provost received him in the most friendly manner, 
offered him his hand, aud proposed a thorough recon- 
ciliation. This was too much for Dale in his excited 
state, and shortly afterwards Batty found him " in a 
great perturbation of mind, which at last hurried him 
into the last degree of insanity." 

A new trouble presently arose in the College. William 
Willymott was in 1729 over fifty years of age and Vice- 
Provost. He had tried more than one profession and 
was a Doctor of Civil Law ; but, being " a man of a 
volatile and unsteady complexion," he grew dissatisfied 
with Doctors' Commons and returned into College, 
with a view to ordination and a Living. Having been 
originally a Tory, he now joined the Whig party. His 
first difficulty was to procure from the College a " Com- 
mendamus " to enter Holy Orders ; he appealed to the 
Visitor to know if there was anything to prevent a 
Doctor of Laws from being ordained or from holding a 
College benefice, and he obtained a favourable decision. 
This did not prevent the College from passing him over 
more than once when Livings were vacant, and on 
November 4, 1731, they presented a Fellow who was 
junior to Willymott to the Rectory of Walkern. The 
choice lay in the first instance with the whole body of 
Fellows, a majority of whom voted for Willymott, but 
they were not unanimous, and the duty of presentation 
then devolved on the Seniors, a bare majority of whom 
preferred a Mr. Sturgis. 

But it was still necessary to affix the College Seal to 
the Deed of Presentation ; and one of the keys was in 


the keeping of Willymott as Vice-Provost. At 7 P.M. 
on the same day the Notary Public came to him to say 
that his key was wanted. He replied that it was lost, 
and the box must be broken open. This was apparently 
done; at any rate the Presentation was sealed. As 
Willymott had already given notice of an appeal, he 
was perhaps justified in refusing to take part in the 
sealings, though not in the manner of his refusal. On 
the other hand, the College were in a great difficulty ; 
for if they had not dared to cut the knot, the Living 
would soon have lapsed to Bishop Reynolds, who would 
doubtless have appointed Willymott. 

This was no secret, for the question had, even before 
November 4, been brought to the Visitor's notice by 
an appeal from eighteen Fellows, chiefly B.A.s, who 
claimed that a majority of the whole body of Fellows 
was sufficient for an appointment. Such a view was 
contrary to the decision of previous Visitors; but it 
met with sympathy from Bishop Reynolds, who 
intimated that he was prepared to reverse, or at any 
rate to reconsider, these decisions ; and he went so far 
as to recommend the appointment of Willymott. This 
he probably did, either from a belief that Willymott, 
as Senior, had a right to the Living, or to save himself 
future trouble; for he may well have hoped that the 
Seniors would prefer to compromise the matter, and by 
the appointment of Willymott to escape all question as 
to their statutable right to present. But in taking 
this line he somewhat departed from the position of a 
judge for that of a partisan. And after the meeting of 
November 4 he did this more openly ; for, writing to 
Willymott from Buckden on November 5, he says that 


Mr. Sturgis had come the night before with his Presenta- 
tion, desiring to be instituted (for Walkern was then in 
the diocese of Lincoln), but that he had not only refused 
institution, but had given the 

" strongest Lecture upon the conduct of the Persons con- 
cerned that I ever read in all my time. By which I meant 
to express my disapprobation of the proceedings in this 
Business, and to give you full time to advise with your 
Councell about the operation of any Appeal." 

Accordingly, when Willy mott on November 15, 1731, 
sent in his appeal, he had good reason to expect to 
meet with a favourable award. His claim chiefly rested 
on what he calls the invariable custom of the College to 
present the Senior in standing, but he also raises the 
pbjection that Batty, one of those who made up the 
adverse majority, had forfeited his Fellowship by 
holding a London Living. The blow to his own 
character is what he professes to feel most ; for 

" if a man be not fitt in Moralls and Learning for a Living, 
he is fitt for nothing, and the same reasons that disqualify e 
him for a Cure do or ought to expell him from the 

The controversy was embittered by the interference 
of Nicholas Harding, who on November 11 wrote to 
the Visitor a long letter in support of the petition of 
the Junior Fellows. This document had contained a 
sentence against misapplication of College moneys in 
payment of the costs of the Dale case, and had naturally 
elicited a protest from the Provost and Seniors, to the 
effect that this use of College funds had been voted by 


the College and approved by the Visitor eight years ago. 
Harding now alleged that other charges might have 
been brought ; the Provost might have been accused of 
discouraging those principles of liberty on which the 
House of Hanover was established, or of continuing an 
unjust and unequal method of dividing the surplus 
revenues ; or again of permitting the College Tutors to 
exact six pounds a year from each Scholar and yet 
neglect their duty of reading lecturers ; in a word, of 
" Partiality, Intolerable Negligence, and Dilapidation." 
And he concludes with the remark, "The Provost, I 
suppose, flatters himself that the rusty sword which he 
has threatn'd to draw upon us will frighten us out of 
our wits." Harding must have hoped to represent 
Snape as an imitator of Bentley, while' he himself 
proposed to play the part of a second Serjeant Miller. 
No doubt he also wished to prejudice the mind of the 
Visitor against the Seniors; and it is to the credit of 
the Bishop that he seems to have paid no attention to 
Harding, of whom perhaps he had already had enough 
in the Dale case. 

The Provost and Seniors, in reply to Willymott, 
assured the Visitor that they had acted according to 
Statute in presenting Sturgis; and that, though they 
could quote no case in which a Senior had been rejected 
for a Living, there were cases in which the Senior in 
standing had abstained from applying, because he knew 
he would be rejected. Moreover, there was nothing in 
the Statutes to secure to Fellows the right to Livings 
in regular rotation; and this doctrine, viz., that the 
College had a free choice in the matter, was confirmed 
by more than one Visitor in the next century. It was 


settled that two counsel should be heard on each side ; 
but the Provost and Seniors insisted on the hearing 
being held in College, and this was very unpalatable to 
the Visitor. He could not resist the claim, but he 
ordered that the cost of the appeal, or of any hospitality 
shown to himself, should not be shared by the Junior 
Fellows : 

" l t for my part/' he writes, " declare that I will not eat 
bread any more in College on any Appeal, if I am not first 
assured, that the bread which is offered me shall not be 
paid for by any of the College other than such as are 
particularly concerned in the matter of the Appeal on 
which I come." 

This was rather an unreasonable demand, as was also 
the proposal that the Vice-Provost should be the 
Bishop's host ; for the Provost and Seniors, whether 
right or wrong, were acting on behalf of the Society 
as a whole ; and the Provost replied with dignity: 

" As my House is the only place within the College at 
present, where you can be lodged with Convenience, I beg 
your Lordship will be so good as to accept of the same 
Accommodation as before." 

It ended, however, in the Visitor's sending two Com- 
missaries to act on his behalf. This was on January 5, 
1732 ; and their decision (of which there is no record) 
must have been against Willymott, for in the course of 
the year Sturgis became Rector of Walkern. Willy- 
mott, however, managed to raise some question in the 
Court of King's Bench, and proceedings which had 
reference either to the Visitor's right to send Commis- 


saries or to some other point in the case were going on 
as late as November 18. 

The next year, 1733, provided Willymott with a 
fresh grievance. He had, apparently, failed to prove 
that Batty's Fellowship was vacant ; but Burford had 
lately succeeded to an estate in Hertfordshire ; and 
Willymott, in the Provosts absence, could hardly be 
kept from despatching a messenger to Eton to announce 
the vacancy and require a Scholar to be sent from Eton 
to King's. Burford asserted that the debts and other 
claims on this estate were so heavy that he was out of 
pocket, and he undertook to resign his Fellowship as 
soon as he received from the estate the amount specified 
by the Statutes. The Provost, writing to Willymott 
from Windsor, where he was in residence as Canon, tells 
him that if he had not wilfully absented himself from 
a Congregation, to which he had been summoned, he 
would have heard Burford's explanation. And then he 
gives the Vice-Provost a bit of his mind : 

" I am persuaded you are still ignorant, wilfully ignorant of 
the true merrits of the Cause. To fly from the Hearing 
and postpone the affair till you cou'd be Judge, Prosecutor, 
and Evidence, all in one, is an attempt which I believe no 
man living but yourself would have ventur'd on ; you have 
long been used to do rash and unaccountable things, by 
following your own Head- Strong Humour, and you have 
hitherto done them with Impunity. You have fals'ly 
charged myself and others with violation of the Statutes, 
when you have been a most notorious Violater of them 
yourself, and I hope the time is not farr off when it will be 
made to appear to what Degree you have done it." 

After this letter, it cannot surprise us to find that at 


the annual election in November 1733 a Mr. Parr was 
elected Vice-Provost instead of Willymott. 

But this only added fuel to the fire. Willymott 
appealed once more, partly on the ground that Burford 
had no right to vote, partly because Parr was not one 
of the thirteen Senior Fellows. There are signs in the 
Visitor's letters that by this time he had become a little 
tired of Willymott. But he was irritated once more by 
a refusal on the part of the College authorities to come 
to Buckden and justify themselves ; and, though he 
advised Willymott to wait for another annual election, 
he proceeded in June to pronounce the election of the 
preceding autumn null and void and to order a fresh 
one. The College met this move by obtaining a Rule 
from the Court of King's Bench, the result of which 
was to checkmate the Visitor; and his last letter to 
Willymott on this subject sums up the situation : 

"Buckden, Sept. 11, 1734. 


" I have been, ever since y e last election of College 
officers, fully of opinion, that it was most advisable for you 
to expect y e re-establishment of the Vice-Provostship at 
y e next election, which will be in y e beginning of Nov. 
next. Nevertheless, at your earnest request, I did receive 
y e Appeal, and Appoint an hearing at my house, which by 
Universal Consent and Practice is allowed to be y e place 
for hearing Appeals, and is, as I am fully persuaded, the 
only proper place. But, on y r neglect to Defend that 
Appointment for hearing y e Appeal, a Prohibition hath 
issued from the Court of King's Bench : so that I cannot, 
as I apprehend, hear the matter of that Appeal, in any 
shape, without y e hazard of a Premunire, as y e matter now 



stands. But if you shall think fit, to bring, as you propose, 
a mandamus to have y e Appeal heard, That writ will not 
only warrant but command me to proceed without danger, 
and I shall be very far from taking any offence at being 
provided with so good Armour. As the case, at present, 
is, It would be not courage, but Foolhardiness to go on. 
In the mean time you will do me but justice to believe, 
that I have been, to the Utmost of my power, 

" Y r Faithful Friend, 


No one who reads the Bishop^s correspondence can i'ail 
to do this amount of justice to him. 

Willymott was actually elected Vice-Provost in 
November 1734. Evidently the College had only 
wished to inflict a temporary punishment and were not 
actuated by any rancorous feelings towards him. They 
were willing enough to let him keep the official position, 
which they thought due to his seniority. What they 
were not willing to allow was that, when he had escaped 
those College and University duties which other Fellows 
in Holy Orders had performed for years, he should step 
over the heads of these men into the first vacant Living. 
However, his turn came at last ; and in 1736 he was 
presented to the Sinecure Rectory of Milton. When 
this fell vacant, he was still only in Deacon's orders, and 
there are some curious letters from Bishop Reynolds, 
expressing a willingness to give him private ordination 
on the shortest possible notice, and, of course, without 
any examination ; but adding that 

" as a Deacon or even a Meer Layman is capable of a 
Presentation to a Cure of Souls, or a Dignity in the Church, 


and such Presentation would be a proper Title for his 
ordination ; so certainly a Deacon is capable of a Presenta- 
tion to a Sinecure." 

Cole, who knew Willymott personally, says that he 
would afterwards have been glad to give up his Preferment 
and resume his Fellowship ; and that at last, " after a 
very turbulent and very uneasy life to himself and 
others with whom he was concerned, he died at an Inn 
in Bedford when on a journey." He was very intimate 
with the Cole family, who lived at Babraham, and at 
one time would have boarded with them, 

" had not his known Temper deterred any one, who valued 
their own Quiet, from accepting him on those Terms ; 
however he would come and stay, now and then, when his 
facetious and entertaining Company was always acceptable." 

One more domestic quarrel is recorded, in which 
Provost Snape was a party. He had ordered a certain 
brewer to bring in a load of beer and lay it in the 
College cellar. This was being done on March 4, 
1737 ; but Mr. Bland, the Bursar, " seeing it, took hold 
of the horses 1 heads, and made the Carrmen drive the 
Dray out of College." The Provost ordered it to be 
readmitted, but Mr. Bland " repeated his opposition, 
and declared that he would do the same thing as often 
as it should be attempted, and withall told the Butler 
that, if it should be taken in and used, it should never 
be paid for." The controversy was decided by the 
Visitor in the Provost's favour, so that he gained his 
last battle. But the subject of the struggle seems 
hardly worthy of a man who had won his spurs as a 
champion of the Church. 



ON Dr. Snape's death in January 1743 a severe contest 
for the Provostship took place. William George, the 
Eton Headmaster, was supported by the moderate 
Whigs and by Sir Robert Walpole ; but, besides the 
Tory candidate, Chapman, there was another Whig, 
Thomas Thackeray, great-grandfather of the novelist, in 
the field. Early on Monday, January 17, the Fellows 
assembled in Chapel ; but it was P.M. on Tuesday 
before the election could be completed, and the Fellows 
in their surplices were obliged to pass the night within 
the building. Fires of charcoal set in braziers helped 
to mitigate the cold ; but the blankets and brandy, with 
which some at least of the Electors had provided them- 
selves, must have been in great request. Eventually, 
the sixteen supporters of Thackeray went over to the 
side of George, and he was elected Provost. 

Like his predecessor, he had been Headmaster of 
Eton ; but it is said that his abilities were not equal to 
the position, and that, when he got into difficulties, his 
temper became sour and his manners brutal. Charles 
Pratt, then a Fellow of King's, in letters to Sneyd 
Davies says : 

" 1 take it for granted that you have had some relation 


of our election, and know that we sat thirty-one hours in 
the Chapel before we could agree. But perhaps you have 
not been told another thing, which I assure you is true, 
that, if you had been qualified, we had certainly made you 
Provost. . . . The new Provost is the delight of society, 
and behaves to every one's satisfaction, released from all 
care, free and jovial. This is very different from his 
carriage and conduct at Eton. You may see how that 
perverse disposition, which I call absurdity or blundering 
ignorance of decorum, will make the same individual odious 
or entertaining, as the temper in which it acts is in or out 
of tune. At present, as he has no care, his good nature 
has returned ; so that now his absurdity, which is rather 
heightened than diminished, gives an agreeable turn to 
everything he says or does. These men are very unfit for 
business, which calls for steady abilities and steady resolu- 
tion ; but make very excellent companions in private life, 
especially when they are tinctured with letters, and have 
like him quick fancies, with a good ear and a powerful 

In the critical year 1745 the College had an oppor- 
tunity of showing its loyalty ; and on November 29 the 
sum of d^&OO was voted "for his majesty ""s service in this 
time of common danger." This act of patriotism was 
the more praiseworthy from the fact that for three 
years (1744-46) there was no surplus out of which to 
vote a dividend. Prudence, however, dictated a second 
vote, on December 20, that the money should be paid 
by instalments to the Vice-Chancellor, and in proportion 
to payments by other subscribers. The purse of the 
College about this time was freely opened for benevo- 
lent or religious purposes. There are votes of money 
for the S.P.G. and the S.P.C.K., for Exeter Hospital, 


and for the sufferers from a recent fire at Crediton. 
Something too was done for the establishment of parish 
schools. At the same time the College set apart money 
arising from the sale of timber to pay off the building 
debt, and also created another fund for defending law- 
suits and increasing the College estates. 

Efforts were being made about this time for the 
improvement of University discipline. The new Chan- 
cellor, the Duke of Newcastle, drew up regulations 
which were approved by the Senate. Besides enforcing 
the wearing of academical dress, they aimed at diminish- 
ing the use of coffee-houses and taverns, and the habit 
of riding and driving ; while such games as tennis and 
cricket were forbidden between 9 and 12 A.M. 

The practice of resorting to coffee-houses was at least 
as old as 1675. In the eighteenth century it had 
become the custom of students after morning chapel to 
repair to some coffee-house, where 

" hours are spent in talking, and less profitable reading of 
newspapers, of which swarms are continually supplied from 
London. The scholars are so greedy after news, which 
is none of their business, that they neglect all for it ; and 
it is become very rare for any of them to go directly to his 
chambers after prayers, without doing his suit at the coffee- 
house ; which is a vast loss of time grown out of a pure 
novelty, for who can apply close to a subject with his head 
full of the din of a coffee-house ? " 

Roger North, who writes thus, suggests that, since 
coffee had now become a morning refreshment, it might 
be provided in College. One or two exceptional men, 
such as Horace Walpole at King^s and his friend 
Thomas Gray at Peterhouse, drank nothing but tea ; 


and no doubt there were still some old-fashioned people 
who were content to breakfast at the Buttery-hatch off 
bread and beer. 

Sometimes a mere waste of time was not the only 
danger to be found in a coffee-house. Bishop Fleet- 
wood's only son, Charles, who became a Scholar of 
King's in 1711, was, so Cole tells us, 

" very near being married to one Mary Paris, who then 
did, as she now does, keep a Coffee House near the College : 
which was prevented by the Interposition of Dr. Green, 
Master of Benet College and then Vice-Chancellor, who 
by a Stretch of his Prerogative sent her to the House of 
Correction and gave timely Notice of the Affair to the 
Bishop, who put a stop to this inconsiderate Match." 

But, though rescued on this occasion by the arbitrary 
action of the Vice-Chancellor, Charles Fleetwood lived 
to give his father trouble of another kind. He was 
already Rector of Barley when the Living of Cottenham 
fell vacant, and he desired to hold both, as the income 
of Cottenham would help him to live in comfort at 
Barley. But it was contrary to the Bishop's rule that 
any Incumbent should hold two Livings, if one provided 
a sufficient maintenance ; and the son never forgave the 
father for refusing to appoint him. The Bishop used 
to say that he would not wish his enemy a greater 
curse than "an only favourite and disrespectful son." 
Evidently Charles Fleetwood brought no credit to an 
honoured name. 

Smoking is not mentioned in the regulations of 1750, 
and apparently throughout this century it was only 
practised by Dons in their Combination Rooms. The 
habits of Kingsmen were probably not very different 


from those of other undergraduates, and the College 
records of this date furnish instances of Scholars being 
punished for keeping horses, or for being " engaged in a 
horse-race at Newmarket." Sometimes they did even 
worse things; the most serious offence being that of 
" keeping up " under pretence of illness and then going 
out of College for the day or even for the night also. 
There are not many signs of excessive conviviality ; but 
on December 17, 1771, two Scholars were punished for 
" being in Trinity Hall at a most unseasonable hour in 
the morning of the 16th instant and making a great 
disturbance there." A Scholar named Cooke, in 1767, 
who was perhaps ambitious of imitating John Dale, 
brought to his Tutor a Latin exercise, which contained 
an uncomplimentary description of the Tutor himself: 

" Decipimur specie recti ; sed decipitur quis 
Hac recti specie ? Cui Dii tribuere jocantes 
Exiguum forte imperium parvamque tyrannira : 
Scilicet hie, regni impatiens sceptroque superbus, 
Ut falsis olim laetata Monedula pennis, 
Evehit in ccelum caput, alta voce probrosos 
Insequitur mores puerorum, abrupta juventae 
Inclamat studia ; en ! vacuae aedes ! " 

These and other lines of a still more stinging character 
entailed on Cooke a week^s imprisonment in his rooms 
and hard labour in the shape of extra exercises. 
Another Scholar, Jones, in the same year fared still 
worse. He had leave out of College on August 11 for 
the usual sixty days. On October 7 he wrote to an 
undergraduate friend to say that he had been bitten by 
a dog suspected of madness, and had gone to Gravesend 
for the benefit of sea-bathing. He desired his friend to 


get him extension of leave. This was granted on condi- 
tion that Jones produced a proper certificate from the 
person under whose care he was. No certificate was 
sent ; and when Jones at last returned, though he had 
a long story to tell about his accident and how he had 
been attended by a Mr. Figg, of Ludgate Hill, a 
specialist in such cases, and even produced what 
purported to be a certificate from Mr. Figg, further 
inquiry satisfied the authorities that the whole story 
was a fabrication, and he was deprived of his Scholar- 

Before this incident occurred the Provostship had 
passed into the hands of John Sumner, who held it 
from 1756 to 1772. He, like his two predecessors, had 
been Headmaster of Eton ; he was also a Canon of 
Windsor and held other Church preferment. 

In the latter part of the eighteenth century the College 
grounds began to assume the appearance with which we 
are familiar. Avenues or rows of ash-trees, elm or 
walnut, had been planted in 1580. One reached from 
the Friars' Gate, the southern entrance to the College, 
where a Gothic Arch under a tiled penthouse gave 
admission from Queens' Lane, as far as the west door 
of the Chapel. A second, at right angles to this, ran 
across the centre of what is now the Back Lawn to the 
river, where a stone bridge (replacing an earlier one of 
wood) was built in 1627. In the north-west corner of 
this Court were a bowling-green and an inner garden 
protected by a wall ; and within the garden a gallery 
overhanging the river. On the far side of the Cam the 
central avenue was continued on a raised causeway till 
it reached the west ditch at " Field Gate," which was 
provided with a wooden bridge. To the south of this 


causeway was a " Grove " or larger garden with a hop- 
yard, pigeon-house and ponds. This area at one time 
went by the name of Laundress Yard, and was reserved 
for the use of the Senior Fellows. To the north lay a 
meadow, in which the College horses were turned out. 
Close to the bridge over the Cam, but on the east bank, 
there was another small garden for the Junior Fellows. 
One more avenue ran along the north side of the Court, 
nearly parallel to the new buildings of Clare Hall. In 
the Front Court also the south and east sides were 
planted with trees, and the walk which divided the Back 
Court was continued across the Front Court till it 
reached the " Clerks' Lodgings,*" just north of the spot 
where the Porters 1 Lodge now stands. The erection of 
Gibbs's Building had, of course, destroyed one of these 
avenues ; but there seems to have been no other change 
till the middle of the century, when a walk was made 
and planted on the west bank of the river, and another 
along the south side of the Back Court ; and the Front 
Court was also laid down as a lawn. 

Next followed a similar treatment of the Back Court, 
in accordance with a vote of College of April 14, 1772: 

" Agreed to proceed in the further improvement of the 
Chappel yard on the West side of the New Building, by 
laying down the same with Grass seeds and afterwards 
feeding it from time to time with sheep as ofccasion may 
require in order to get it into good and ornamental condi- 
tion ; to compleat the Gravelling the Walks round the 
same as now laid out, and not for the future to put any 
horses there." 

From this period then we may date the existence of 
the Lawn as we have it, especially as it seems that about 
the same time the walls which enclosed the bowling- 


green and inner garden, and a wall which ran along the 
edge of the river, were removed. 

The years 1770 to 1776 were also a period of altera- 
tion within the Chapel. The black and white marble 
squares had been laid down in the Choir in 1702, but 
the Ante-chapel remained only partially paved. A 
seasonable gift of 4<QO from Lord Godolphin enabled 
the College to complete this work in 1774. At this 
time, too, the Lectern was banished to the Library in 
the side Chapel, where it remained till 1854. The 
legacy of John Hungerford provided funds for a new 
altar and oak panelling round the east bay of the 
Chapel, and also for two stone niches on each side of 
the east window ; and a picture ascribed to Daniele da 
Volterra, the gift of Lord Carlisle, added a little colour 
to the whole of this work, which was designed by Essex 
and cost 1650. The style was such as might be 
expected of the period, and at any rate satisfied Horace 
Walpole, who writes to Cole on May 22, 1777 : 

" I dote on Cambridge, and could like to be often there. 
The beauty of King's College Chapel, now it is restored, 
penetrated me with a visionary longing to be a monk in it." 

A later generation, however, has not scrupled to 
condemn and undo Essex's work. 

It was ten years after this, in 1786, that an alteration 
was made in the Provost's Lodge. The University were 
contemplating a new building parallel to the Senate 
House, and the College accepted the sum of 6^1150, 
giving up the north end of the Lodge, " in order to 
promote the public design of the University."" The 
sum received from the University, but no more than 
this amount, was to be laid out in making such addi- 



tions to the Lodge as would compensate the Provost for 
the loss which he sustained. This consisted of six 
rooms on the ground floor, four bedrooms and the 
Audit Room, and two staircases. To make up for this 
loss the " Brick Building," which stood at the south 
end of the Lodge, was now made part of it. This 
building dated from 1692 ; the ground floor served as a 
school, and the upper storeys had provided rooms for 
Fellow-Commoners till they found a home in Gibbs's 
Building. There must always have been some school- 
room for the Choristers, and one such had certainly 
stood on this site before 1692 ; but the school seems 
gradually to have grown in importance. Some Fellow 
of the College usually acted as Master ; and other Cam- 
bridge boys, besides the King's Choristers, received their 
education here. One of these was James Essex, the 
architect. It may have been convenient that the school 
should be near the " Clerks' Lodging " or " Conducts' 
Court " ; but there seems something incongruous in the 
close proximity of Fellow-Commoners to Choristers, 
though it was an advantage that the former should be 
within easy access of the Provost's Lodge. 

The building contemplated by the University was 
soon given up, and in 1797-98 a new passage was 
made from Trumpington Street to the north-east corner 
of the Chapel, dividing the two properties ; the Uni- 
versity binding themselves not to build on it nor to 
open it for horse or carriage traffic. 

The change in the Lodge took place while William 
Cooke was Provost. He, too, had been Headmaster of 
Eton, but only for three years, when ill-health obliged 
him to resign and retire to the Vicarage of Sturminster 
Marshall. It was said that the boys, at any rate, did 


not regret him. Cole's account of him is far from 
flattering : " Made Master of the Schole, for which not 
being found equal, he was made Fellow of the College 
to let him down gently ; and to get rid of his Imperti- 
nence, Insolence, and other unamiable Qualities, he was 
strongly recommended to be Provost of King's, on 
Dr. Simmer's death. It is not the first time that a 
man's unsocial and bad disposition has been the occasion 
of his advancement. I know the College would be 
delighted to kick him up higher, so that they might 
get rid of a formal important Pedant, who will be 
a Schoolmaster in whatever station of life his fortune 
may advance him to." This is not complimentary, but 
it is mild, compared with the language used by the 
same writer about Cooke, when smarting under what 
he considered a grievance. 

According to Cole's story, Cooke, soon after his 
election in 1772, was instrumental in raising the rent of 
a cottage at Milton in which Cole lived, and on which 
he had spent 600. The injured tenant can find no 
words bad enough for this " scoundrel " of a Provost, 
and for " Paddon, a dirty wretch of a Bursar, very 
suitable to him." 

It is likely enough that Cooke was a bit of a pedant, 
and he may have thought it his duty to treat the 
College tenants with justice rather than generosity. 
But the only College vote which deals with the Milton 
case (November 20, 1776), " To seal a lease of Milton 
Farm to the Rev. Mr. Cole for twenty years from 
April 5 last under the same rent as the former," does 
not bear out Cole's complaints, and it was passed 
unanimously at a meeting of the Provost and thirteen 
Fellows. Perhaps the rent, though nominally due 


before, had not been exacted till a lease was granted, in 
consideration of the tenant's outlay on the premises. 

It is to the credit of the Provost that he seems to 
have lived in harmony with his Fellows, and that he 
raised no difficulties to the alteration of his Lodge, 
which must have caused him at least temporary dis- 
comfort. And it must be added that during his tenure 
of office there was a marked improvement in the 
discipline of the undergraduates. One bad case, indeed, 
is recorded a few months after his appointment. A 
Scholar, named Stanhope, who had obtained leave of 
absence for the purpose of paying a visit to his mother, 
never went near her, but took the opportunity to 

"drive through the town of Eton in an open carriage, 
having with him a person of suspicious Fame and Character, 
and there taking up into his Carriage one of the Scholars 
of Eton and Carrying him away from School without leave 
obtained of the Master, and otherwise behaving in a very 
unbecoming manner to the 111 Example of the Scholars 

Stanhope was severely punished, and there is no other 
record of misconduct for more than twenty years. It is 
reasonable to infer that, if Provost Cooke had the 
manners of a Schoolmaster, he also possessed the 
Schoolmaster^ art of keeping order. In one respect he 
was unlike all other Provosts, for he had received his 
earliest schooling at Harrow ; but he makes no mention 
of this in the epitaph which he himself composed, and 
in which he attributed all his successes in life to his 
training in the two Foundations of King Henry. 

It is interesting to notice the readiness with which 
the College of those days contributed towards national 


objects. In 1776 twenty guineas were given to relieve 
the distress caused to the clergy in North America by 
the revolt of the Colonies ; and when the French Revo- 
lution drove some of the Priests into exile, fifty guineas 
were voted, in 1792, to " the French clergy now in this 
Kingdom. 11 The war which broke out in 1793 induced 
the College to open its purse again, and grant %l to 
" provide Cloathing for the Troops on the Continent," 
and W5 towards the augmentation of the Militia ; 
and on November 10, 1797, 10 10s. was voted 

" for the relief of the Widows and Orphans of the Seamen 
who fell in the late Action between Admiral Duncan's 
Squadron and the Dutch Fleet." 

An extensive purchase of Livings was made in 1781, 
when the College acquired, for the sum of ^2000, the 
Advowsons of Kingston, Richmond, Kew, Petersham, 
East Molesey and Thames Ditton. A legacy from a 
Mr. Bullock provided more than half the purchase- 
money, and the rest was borrowed from their own 
Timber and Chest Funds. 

The last year of Dr. Cookers life was marked by an 
unfortunate loss. The Provost, on returning to College 
towards the end of October 1796, found that the whole 
of his Plate, which had been deposited in the Treasury 
of the old Court, had been abstracted, although the 
doors were still locked and there was no sign of violence 
having been used. No time was lost in taking a review 
of the College Plate and in making over to the Provost 
what could be spared. Much of the old Plate was also 
now sold, and new and more necessary articles either 
purchased or given by former members of the College. 



WHEN the College preferred George to Thackeray as 
their Provost they lost a man of some real distinction. 
It was said that, when Thomas Thackeray preached at 
St. Mary's the church was crowded both to see and to 
hear him, for he and his wife, a Miss Woodward, were 
reputed to be the handsomest pair ever seen ; and the 
portrait of Thackeray in King's Lodge shows that this 
report was not altogether without foundation. Accord- 
ing to Cole, he was of a most humane and candid dis- 
position, and generally beloved. His defence of Whig 
or Latitudinarian principles cost him his Eton Master- 
ship ; but a vacancy in the Headmastership of Harrow, 
in 1746, gave him a new opportunity. A former Fellow 
of King's, Thomas Bryan, had held the post for forty 
years, and had done much to raise the School. But 
since 1731 a disastrous period had followed, and it was 
Thackeray who now restored the School to the position 
to which Bryan had brought it, and paved the way for 
a period of still greater prosperity. At 53 years of age 
he was rather old to undertake such a task ; but, with a 
family of more than a dozen children, it was necessary 
for him to exert himself to the utmost. When he 
resigned, it was expected that he would be made a 
Bishop, for he had for the last seven years been Arch- 


deacon of Surrey. Hoadley, then Bishop of Winchester, 
had given him this office, telling him that he could per- 
form its duties in the Easter holidays of each year. No 
further preferment, however, followed, for Thackeray 
died suddenly in London, in September 1760. 

A few years after this an unusual scene took place in 
the College Chapel. On May 4, 1763, nine colours 
taken at Manila by Sir William Draper, a former Fellow 
of the College, were carried in procession by the 
Scholars, accompanied by the Fellows, the organ play- 
ing, and the Choir preceding and singing hymns. The 
offer of these Flags was first made in a letter from 
Draper to one of the Fellows : 

PALL MALL, April 18. 

" Many thanks to you for your obliging Epistle. I 
have got some Spanish Colours taken at Manila for the 
Chapel. And His Majesty has been pleased to consent 
that they shall be sent to your College and hung up there. 
So if you have no objection to see your old Friend's 
Trophies over your head, I will send them down. Love to 


"I am 

"y r aff. Friend 

"Upon recollection I believe "WiLL. DRAPER." 

I ought to address the College 
in Form : if so let me know it." 

The Provost, however, who was now John Sumner, 
did not wait for a more formal address, but wrote on 
April 20 : 


" Your L r to M r Burford, acquainting him with y r 
Intention of sending the Spanish Colours taken at Manila 


for y r Chapel He this morning communicated to Me ; and 
I immediately desired a Meeting of all the Members resi- 
dent in College, that they might receive the same satisfac- 
tion with myself, in having your Design imparted to them ; 
and be informed of His Majesty's goodness in granting His 
royal permission for that Purpose. We were rejoicing 
indeed in the general Joy of the Nation, upon so glorious 
a Conquest being atchieved ; and were flattering ourselves 
with something like a secret Pride, that so important an 
acquisition had been made by one of our own Body ; when 
it appeared that you too in the midst of your Triumph 
were as Mindful of Us : and while we were indulging our- 
selves in the pleasing Thoughts of bearing a relation to the 
Commander, and having some Share in the honour of his 
success ; you have realized, Sir, our imaginary Glory, and 
made us actually the Depositaries of your Trophies." 

There is a good deal more, for the length, as well as the 
style, of the Doctor of Divinity contrasts with that of 
the practical soldier. 

The Colours were placed on each side of the altar 
rails ; and Latin orations were delivered by two Fellows, 
one of whom, Mr. Burford, was Public Orator. These 
were followed by Evening Service and a Thanksgiving 
anthem. It has to be confessed, with shame, that the 
Colours, which afterwards found a home in the organ 
loft, have for many years been allowed to moulder away 
in obscurity in one of the side chapels. 

Draper had entered the army early enough to be 
present at Culloden. He had afterwards served with 
some distinction in India, and his capture of the works 
of Manila by assault was a considerable feat of arms. 
The citadel still remained to be taken, and the Arch- 
bishop, who was also Governor, proposed to capitulate 


and so save the inhabitants from plunder. Draper 
consented to accept as ransom bills for two million 
dollars on the Treasury at Madrid. These were after- 
wards repudiated by the Spanish Government; and 
when,' in 1769, Draper defended the Marquis of Granby 
against the attacks of Junius, Junius turned on Draper 
and accused him of having been bribed by the red 
riband of the Bath to abandon the claims of his troops 
to the Manila ransom. It was true that Draper had at 
last ceased to press on the Government the duty of 
forcing the Spaniards to pay their debts ; but this was 
because he had been assured that a war with Spain was 
out of the question ; and to have declined an honour to 
which he was thoroughly entitled, because his colleague, 
Admiral Cornish, and the soldiers and sailors were 
defrauded of their rights, would have been Quixotic 
rather than sensible. Besides, he had already shown 
his disinterestedness by refusing, when at Manila, to 
accept from the Archbishop a large bribe if he would 
abate the amount demanded for a ransom. Draper's 
brother Kingsman, Christopher Anstey, defended him in 
the following lines : 

" But alas ! to his fortune, his interest blind, 
How blamed by the sensible part of mankind ! 
In a land so remote, in that barbarous ground, 
When victory spread her glad ensign around, 
To sheath the fell sword, in a ransom engage ! 
So unlike many other great chiefs of the age 
To feel for the helpless ! to hear the fond prayer 
Of widows and orphans, to conquer and spare ! 
From foolish compassion to hazard that gain, 
Which others by fair, lawful plunder obtain." 

The author of these lines became a Fellow of King's in 


1745, and in 1748 as Senior Bachelor he was called 
upon to make a Latin declamation in the Public Schools. 
Whether this was an innovation or not is uncertain ; 
Anstey, at any rate, considered it an infringement on 
the College rights, and began his speech with words 
which seemed to ridicule the University authorities. 
The Vice-Chancellor suspended him from his degree, 
and required him to make a fresh declamation, when he 
introduced an ironical apology. Tradition says that 
he began this second speech with the words, " Doctores 
sine doctrina, Magistri Artium sine Artibus, Bacca- 
laurei baculo potius quam lauro digni," but there is no 
trace of such words in the author's MS. 

In this second speech he admitted that his manner 
might have given offence. 

" Haud inficiar me rei oratoriae adeo non peritum esse ut 
plurimos vestrum viderem qui vix a risu temperarent cum 
tragica quadam cervicis jactatione Roscii partes non Cice- 
ronis agere viderer. Quapropter vir doctissimus, qui huic 
exercitationi praefuit, ipso etiam in oratiunculae meae vesti- 
bule importunitatem coercuit, veritus fortasse pro singulari 
sua humanitate ne severiorum virorum iracundiam com- 

This second speech failed to give satisfaction, and he 
was again suspended. There was an appeal to Delegates, 
who confirmed the sentence in spite of the efforts of the 
Kingsmen. Anstey's son says that this was the last 
Latin declamation pronounced by a Bachelor of King's 
in the Schools. If so, Anstey gained his end, but at 
the cost of his own M. A. degree ; for he writes of 

" Granta, sweet Granta, where studious of ease 
Seven years did I sleep and then lost my degrees," 


But he remained a Fellow till 1754, when he suc- 
ceeded to a property at Trumpington, married, and led 
the life of a country gentleman. His classical studies 
were not wholly abandoned, for together with a brother 
Kingsman, Roberts, afterwards Provost of Eton, he 
made the first Latin version of Gray^s Elegy, and at a 
somewhat later date he spent much time in preparing 
his own sons for Eton. A bilious fever led to his 
visiting Bath, and in 1766 appeared the letters in rhyme 
called the New Bath Guide or Memoirs of the Blunder- 
head family. The book became fashionable at once; 
and Horace Walpole says, " So much wit, humour, fun 
and poetry, so much originality, never met together 
before. Then the man has a better ear than Dryden or 
Handel." Parts of it, however, would not be tolerated 
at the present day ; for he seems to have considered 
that he might say anything against doctors or Metho- 
dists. Even in those times objections were raised; and 
he replied to them in the following lines, which also 
contain a reference to his improvements at Trumping- 
ton, and his farming troubles : 

" May this drowsy current, (as oft he is wont), 
O'erflow all my hay, may my dogs never hunt, 
And O ! may some daemon, those plagues to complete, 
Give me taste to improve an old family seat, 
By lawjiing a hundred good acres of wheat ! 
Such ills be my portion, and others much worse, 
If slander or calumny poison my verse ; 
If ever my well-behaved Muse shall appear 
Indecently droll, unpolitely severe ! " 

But indecent, and it may be added profane, drollery 
was just what his Muse did sometimes indulge in. In 


spite of this fault, he was a man of upright character, 
benevolent, and public spirited ; a good father and a 
warm-hearted friend. Whether he ever forgave Cam- 
bridge for stopping his M.A. degree seems doubtful. 
The complimentary lines, which he wrote in 1767, sound 
more ironical than serious : 

" Tis thine, Sacred Science ! new charms to display ; 
How much <I rejoice thou hast chosen thy seat 
In Granta's delightful and quiet retreat ! 
Where men of such piety, learning and sense, 
Distribute thy gifts at so small an expense, 
And season the minds of well-disciplined youth 
With patriot maxims of wisdom and truth ; 
Regardless of changes in Church or in State, 
They ne'er court the favour or smiles of the great ; 
For candour, for softness of manners renowned, 
Shed the blessings of peace and contentment around ; 
And far from malignity, faction and noise, 
With dignity seek philosophical joys." 

A still more distinguished Kingsman, seven years 
j unior to Anstey, was Charles Pratt. For eight or nine 
years he remained a briefless barrister, and he was so 
much dispirited that he was on the point of returning 
to College, and perhaps of taking Holy Orders. Even 
to Antony Allen, who finished his catalogue of Kings- 
men in 1750, Pratt was known only as a promising 
young pleader, who had just ventured to marry and 
resign his Fellowship. But two years later he became 
famous by his defence of the right of juries to determine 
questions of law as well as of fact in libel cases. 
Throughout his career he was a champion of liberty, 
and perhaps a little too much inclined to pose as such ; 
whether as Lord Chief Justice he was condemning 


arbitrary arrests, or arguing in the House of Lords as 
Lord Camden against the American Stamp Act. He 
rose to be Lord Chancellor in 1760. His success 
was partly due to his own talents and exertions, and 
partly to the support of his old friend and schoolfellow, 
the elder William Pitt, from whom he may have learned 
his somewhat theatrical manner. In his later days he 
made the mistake of remaining in a Cabinet with men 
whose policy he condemned ; and it has been said of 
him that "he was unfit to stand alone, and on the 
eclipse of Chatham he sank into insignificance." Yet 
after Chatham's death he had the satisfaction of giving 
strong and valuable support to Chatham's son in his 
early political struggles, as well as of helping to pass 
a Libel Law, which secured to juries the rights for 
which he had contended forty years earlier. Another 
Kingsman, who gained distinction in public life, was 
Thomas Orde, who became Lord Bolton in 1797. As 
a Scholar of King's he was chiefly remarkable for his 
artistic tastes, which, no doubt, were the cause of his 
subsequent friendship with Romney. He used to 
caricature well-known Cambridge figures, of the lower 
class, and give the profits of his etchings to his victims. 
But he found more serious occupation at the Bar and 
in Parliament ; he rose to be Undersecretary to Lord 
Shelburne in 1782, but declined to continue in office 
under Pitt. It was in Ireland, however, as Chief 
Secretary to the Duke cf Rutland, 1784-1787, that he 
gained most fame, for his efforts to carry out a com- 
mercial union between England and Ireland and also 
to establish a comprehensive scheme of education for 
Ireland. To judge by Romney \> portrait, Orde was a 
handsome man. Indeed, it is said that he owed his 


first success in life to his good looks and good manners. 
For when the Duke of Bolton happened to pay a 
visit to Cambridge, Orde, then a young scholar at 
King's, was chosen to act as his guide, and he made a 
favourable impression on the Duke. It is certain that 
he afterwards married the Duke's daughter, and succeeded 
to the name and estates of the Powletts. 

No Kingsman, during the eighteenth century, after 
Andrew Snape, seems to have been particularly suc- 
cessful as Headmaster of Eton ; but what Thomas 
Thackeray had accomplished at Harrow, that and even 
more Thomas James did for Rugby. As a boy at Eton, 
he had been distinguished for excellence in Latin and 
Greek composition ; and at King's he had twice gained 
the Members' Prize for a Latin Essay. It was in 1778 
that he went to Rugby and reformed the school after 
the Eton model, raising it from 60 to 245 boys, and 
earning from a recent historian of the school the 
title of the "creator of Rugby as it now is." On his 
resignation the Trustees begged Mr. Pitt to give him 
perferment, and he was made a Prebendary of Worcester 
and Rector of Harvington. The Trustees also showed 
their confidence in the College, which had sent them 
such a man, by electing as his successor another Kings- 
man, Henry Ingles. James did not forget his old 
College, but founded there annual prizes for Latin 

With all the influence of a long-established Cathedral 
Choir, it might have been expected that King's College 
would have become a school of music ; and the names 
of some composers, including that of Provost 
Hacomblen, are recorded within the first century after 
the foundation. But, although in the Elizabethan age, 


Fellows of King's are said to have cultivated the art, 
there seems little trace in later days of any great 
musician ; unless we may except Ralph Thicknesse, who 
in 1742, being at that time the favourite candidate for 
the Provostship, suddenly fell down dead, when playing 
a composition of his own, as first violin, in a concert at 
Bath. During the last half of the eighteenth century 
the Professor of Music was a Kingsman, J. Randall ; 
and it was his duty to set to music Gray's Ode for the 
Installation of the Duke of Grafton as Chancellor in 
1768. The poet had his own views about music, and 
for three months Randall was in constant attendance, 
endeavouring to comply with the author's taste by 
adapting the music to the Italian style. But when he 
came to the chorus, Gray said : " I have now done ; 
make as much noise as you please/ 1 

One name, however, certainly deserves to be recorded. 
It is that of Joah Bates, who had studied under an 
organist at Rochdale, before he went to Eton in 1756, 
and who found encouragement to persevere in his 
musical studies from Mr. Graham, one of the Eton 
masters. For a short time after leaving school he was 
a Pensioner of Christ's College, and he gained the 
Craven University Scholarship two months before he 
was admitted to his Scholarship at King's. Afterwards 
he became a Fellow and Tutor ; and one of his pupils 
was a son of the profligate Lord Sandwich, who at least 
did one good action in making Bates his private secre- 
tary and giving him a berth in the Post Office. While 
still an undergraduate, Bates had conducted a perform- 
ance of the Messiah at his own native town, Halifax ; 
and this is said to have been the first occasion on which 
an oratorio was performed north of the Trent. In 


1776 he became Conductor of the Concerts of Ancient 
Music; and in 1783, in conjunction with Lord Fitz- 
william and Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, he brought 
about the Commemoration of Handel at Westminster 
Abbey, and acted as Conductor on that memorable 
occasion. Though a scholar and musician, he seems 
to have been a bad financier ; and an unfortunate 
investment nearly ruined him, so that his later life was 
saddened by poverty. He died in 1799. 

All Cambridge residents, during the latter part of 
the eighteenth century, must have known by sight 
Dr. Robert Glynn, who began lecturing at Cambridge 
on medicine and anatomy in 1751, and after practising 
for a short time at Richmond returned to Cambridge 
and lived in College, where he might generally be seen 
walking after dusk under Gibbs n s Building, or along the 
south face of Clare Hall. He usually wore a scarlet 
cloak and three-cornered hat, with pattens in rainy 
weather; and was the most active, eccentric, and 
benevolent of doctors. He gave gratuitous advice to 
the inhabitants of the Fens, where there was a great 
deal of fever and ague ; and he would never take a 
fee from a Cornishman (for he was himself born near 
Bodmin), nor a clergyman. Horace Walpole called 
him " an old doting physician," but that was because he 
believed in the genuineness of Chatterton's poems. 
Lord Chatham spoke of him as " one of the cheerful 
and witty sons of Apollo " ; and the younger Pitt, whom 
he had attended in 1773, offered him the Professorship 
of Physic in 1793. Probably Glynn felt himself too 
old for such a post. But he was for some time the 
leading physician of Cambridge, and his treatment had 
a certain originality, for he always (so it is said) began 


with a blister, though he would never resort to bleeding. 
His habits were odd. He had no fixed hour for meals, 
but there was generally a cold shoulder of mutton 
standing in his rooms ; and he gave undergraduate tea- 
parties of a thoroughly unconventional kind. When 
Charles Simeon had to preach his first sermon at St. 
Mary^s (it was on Advent Sunday, December 3, 1786), 
Dr. Glynn called on Simeon the day before, and 
begged him to come to his rooms and read over his 
sermon. For, as he told Simeon, he would have a 
critical and prejudiced audience next day. Simeon was 
glad to accept the invitation, for friends were scarce in 
those days. The Doctor heard the sermon, corrected 
and improved it, and concluded : 

"Now, Sir, as I am called out, and cannot be at St. 
Mary's, I am glad I can say I have read the Sermon, and 
shall be your advocate wherever I go." 

No account of prominent Kingsmen of these times 
would be complete without some reference to Horace 
Walpole, who entered the College as a Fellow Commoner 
in 1734. He does not seem to have taken kindly to 
University life, and speaks of Oxford and Cambridge 
as " two barbarous towns, overrun with rusticity and 

" We have not," he writes, " the least poetry here ; for 
I can't call verses on the 5th of November and 30th of 
January by that name, more than four lines on a chapter 
in the New Testament is an Epigram." 

If, like his friend Gray, he had spent some part of 
his long life as a College resident, how valuable (though 
probably uncomplimentary) would his picture of College 
life have been ! His character had nothing heroic 


about it ; it was hardly even serious ; and he had none 
of his father's solidity. But he was the prince of letter 
writers, and ahead of his age in some of his opinions as 
well as his tastes. For it must be remembered to his 
credit that he spoke with loathing of the Slave Trade ; 
and to him, at least in some degree, we owe the revival 
of a taste for Gothic Art and Romantic Literature. 
Strawberry Hill was, indeed, but a gingerbread kind of 
castle ; but it led the way to something better. And if 
the Castle of Otranto is no masterpiece, yet without 
it we might have had no Ivanhoe and no Kenilworth. 

William Cole, when doubting what to do with his 
collection of MSS. said that 

" to give them to King's College would be to throw them 
into a horse-pond; the members of that Society being 
generally so conceited of their Latin and Greek that all 
other studies were barbarous." 

If the eight Fellows who have been described in this 
chapter were at all representative specimens of the 
Society, Cole's criticism must have been unjust. Two 
of them were, indeed, schoolmasters ; but one was a 
lawyer, one a doctor, one a politician, one a soldier, one 
a musician, and one a poet. There is, however, a third 
schoolmaster, whose name deserves to be recorded, that 
of John Foster. As Headmaster of Eton, indeed, he 
was singularly unsuccessful, being in too great a hurry 
to raise the standard of education and discipline. But 
he was a man of real learning. His Essay on Accent 
and Quantity, published in 1761, is an elaborate defence 
of Greek accentuation and an explanation of the true 
relations of accent and quantity in Greek, Latin, and 
English. Not only is it a work of great research, but it 


shews also that in dealing with literary problems he 
possessed the judgment which he lacked in his treatment 
of boys ; and its publication was seasonable, at a time 
when the Oxford Press was beginning to print Greek 
texts without any accents. Had Foster been a Cam- 
bridge Professor, instead of being Headmaster of a 
Public School, he might have made a name for himself and 
done something to stimulate a love of learning in others. 

This list of distinguished men does not, however, 
contain any Theologian ; for there seems to have been 
no Kingsman, in the most important of all studies, who 
can be compared to the men of an earlier generation, to 
such men as Snape, Fleetwood, Hare, or Stanhope. 
Simeon had hardly yet become prominent ; Sneyd Davies, 
though an Archdeacon, was more of a poet than a 
Theologian ; and Jack Young (brother of the well- 
known Arthur Young), Fellow of Eton and Prebendary 
of Worcester, who was killed out hunting when trying 
a newly purchased horse with the King's hounds in 1786, 
though a man of high character, unspoiled by his friend- 
ship with the Duke of Grafton, and marked out for 
higher preferment by Archbishop Cornwallis, can hardly 
claim a place in any list of Divines. 

This was, perhaps, the inevitable result of that decay 
of interest in Theology which is characteristic of the 
Hanoverian period. But something may have been due 
to the fact that no pressure seems to have been put on 
the Fellows to study Theology. Throughout the 
eighteenth century " diversions" continue to be recorded ; 
but they are all to Medicine, or Law, or Astronomy. 
The Statute requiring the bulk of the Society to study 
Divinity and take Holy Orders remained, indeed ; but 
no Provost seems to have made an effort to enforce it. 



CHARLES SIMEON'S life at King's covers a period of fifty- 
seven years, and during a great part of that time he was 
the most notable man in the College. He was admitted 
a Scholar in January 1779, and attended lectures on 
Aristotle's Ethics and Pearson on the Creed. The 
former course was especially needed, for though he was 
already a good Latin scholar, he had learned but little 
Greek at Eton. Cooke was then Provost, and in 
Simeon's first term sent him word that in three weeks' time 
there would be a celebration of the Holy Communion 
in Chapel and that he must take part in it. Such was 
the College rule, which, no doubt, often hardened men 
into formalism ; but in Simeon's case it was the begin- 
ning of a real religious life ; and though he complains 
of the irreverence with which the Chapel services were 
performed, yet he found in them, as an Undergraduate, 
the spiritual food which he needed. Not content with 
his own conversion, he collected a small congregation of 
bedmakers in his rooms ; and when he was at home, he 
persuaded his brothers and the servants to join in family 
prayers. Such was the humble beginning of a life-long 
ministry. Within a few years he was acting as a 
volunteer curate at St. Edward's, where his preaching 
attracted such crowds that the overworked clerk hailed 


the Vicar^s return with joy, saying, "Oh, sir, I am so 
glad you are come : now we shall have some room ! " A 
year later Simeon began the great work of his life as 
Minister of Trinity Church, where more than a century 
earlier, another Kingsman, Provost Whichcote, had 
exercised so wide and wholesome an influence. 

Within his own College Simeon found but little 
sympathy, and was quite surprised when a brother 
Fellow ventured to walk with him for a quarter of an 
hour on the grass plot before Clare Hall. Perhaps he 
exaggerated the antagonism which others felt ; at any 
rate, he held College office from 1788 to 1798, and for 
two years was Vice-Provost. A friend, writing to him 
in 1789, observes that his influence in the College was 
evidently increasing, and that the Provost was inclined 
to co-operate with him in reforming the College. In 
1791, when, with Dr. Glynn's help he had, as Vice- 
Provost, sent out of residence a Fellow senior to himself 
for scandalous conduct, Provost Cooke wrote that 
"yourself and Dr. Glynn will ever have my hearty 
thanks for your prudent and spirited conduct." A 
reference has already been made to his first sermon at 
St. Mary^s. There was a crowd of Undergraduates, 
many of whom evidently meant to disturb and annoy 
the preacher. However, he very soon had complete 
command of his audience; although the prejudices of 
the time were shewn, when he remained for some time 
on his knees after the benediction, by one man saying 
to another, " Just look at that hypocrite ! what a time 
he goes on praying ! " On the other hand, as two men 
were leaving the church, one said to the other, " Well, 
Simeon is no fool, however ! " " Fool ! " replied his 
companion, " did you ever hear such a sermon before ? " 


In order to secure more time for prayer and study, 
Simeon formed the habit of rising at 4 A.M. ; not, how- 
ever, without an effort, but he paid a fine of s. 6d. to 
his bedmaker if he failed to get up; and when that 
proved an insufficient stimulus, he determined, if he was 
late again, to walk down to the Cam and throw a 
guinea into the water ; and on one occasion he actually 
did this. One other habit he had, which no doubt 
found more sympathy with his neighbours. He was 
very fond of riding ; and when George Corrie entered 
the University in 1813 with a letter of introduction to 
Simeon, the writer said, " When you call, he will pro- 
bably be either in the stable with his horses, or by the 
sick-beds of his parishioners. 11 He might have inherited 
a considerable fortune from his brother Edward, who 
died in 1814, but he declined to receive more than a 
legacy of Jl 5,000, the interest of which he devoted 
towards charitable objects which his brother had 
supported ; and, after making this disposition of his 
money, he considered himself justified in retaining his 
Fellowship, the loss of which would have seemed to him 
a desertion of the post of duty. Two years before this 
he had settled in the rooms in which he eventually 

The second Provost of Simeon's time was Humphrey 
Sumner, son of John Sumner, the former Provost. 
Humphrey was Rector of Dunton in Essex, at the time 
of his promotion in 1797 ; and he received the thanks 
of the College in the following year for resigning this 
living. Apparently it was a novelty for a Provost to 
be contented with the emoluments and duties of a single 
office. Sumner, however, may have had special reasons 
for resigning, as he was a victim to gout, and so deaf 


that he never knew whether he was speaking in a high 
or low tone. Ben Drury, an impertinent young fellow 
of his own College, used to make the most uncompli- 
mentary remarks to him in the manner of a person 
conversing on ordinary topics ; and the Provost, quite 
unconscious of what was really said, received these 
remarks with the blandest courtesy. One of the 
Scholars, Scrope Davies, treated the Provost no better. 
A game hamper was found one morning hung on the 
handle of the Lodge door, directed to the Provost with 
" Mr. Scrope Davies's compliments. 1 ' In those days, 
when game could not be bought, such a present was 
particularly acceptable ; but the hamper, when opened, 
was found to contain a dead cat and even less attractive 
objects. Of course Scrope Davies was convened; but 
he coolly maintained that, if he had sent the hamper, 
his own name was the last which he would have chosen 
to attach to it ; and so he escaped. 

There is some reason to think that the first years of 
Sumner's Provostship were marked by a deterioration 
in discipline. The Public Advertiser for July 19, 1798, 
quotes from " a Morning Paper the following statement 
of the origin of the existing disputes between the 
Provost and Scholars of King's College, Cambridge."" 

" A number of Tradesmen in the town of Cambridge 
represented to the Provost of King's College that debts to 
a considerable amount had been incurred by the Scholars 
for various articles both of luxury and necessity, and that 
they were anxious these debts should be liquidated. The 
Provost consulted the Vice- Provost, Bursars, and Fellows 
on the subject, when it was unanimously agreed, as an act 
of justice, that a part of the boys' emoluments should be 
appropriated towards the payment. This resolution so 


irritated them, that they pulled up the pavement and broke 
all the windows in the Old Court, destroyed the Convention 
Bell, and committed various other acts of violence. The 
Provost, in consequence, ordered them to be detained in 
College during the whole of the vacation, or until they 
gave up the first aggressors. The latter they refused. 
Dr. Goodall, of Eton, happening to be there, represented 
to the Scholars the heinousness of the offence, and advised 
them to repair every injury, and afterwards go in a body 
to the Provost, express their contrition, and solicit forgive- 
ness ; which they very reluctantly did. The Provost told 
them he should take one fortnight to consider of it, and 
here the matter rests for the present. Yesterday the fort- 
night expired, when the boys expected to be liberated." 

There is no allusion to this affair in the College 
records, and perhaps the story is mythical. But there 
were certainly some very troublesome Undergraduates in 
residence at this time; and one Scholar had to be 
placed in temporary confinement as a lunatic. Yet at 
this very time there was in residence a Scholar, John 
Bird Sumner, who lived to be the one Archbishop of 
Canterbury educated at King's College. He gained 
some distinction at the University, and afterwards 
made a name for himself as a writer of Evangelical 
Theology. As Bishop of Chester, 1828-48, he was 
most energetic in providing more churches and schools 
in his diocese ; as Archbishop, though appointed by the 
Duke of Wellington, he supported the Whigs on the 
questions of Roman Catholic Emancipation and Parlia- 
mentary Reform ; and he also took the side of " com- 
prehension " in the Hampden and Gorham controversies. 
The fiery Bishop Phillpotts protested against the Arch- 
bishop's "heresy"; and it was not till Sumner lay 


dying in 1862 that the charge was withdrawn. The 
portrait of the Archbishop by Eddis, in the College 
Hall, represents a benevolent and dignified gentleman ; 
but there is not much sign of intellectual force, or of 
statesmanlike firmness. Bishop Wilberforce described a 
speech of Sumner's as " like himself, good, gentle, loving, 
and weak. 11 

J. B. Simmer had become a Fellow in 1801 ; and five 
years afterwards there arrived at King's a group of 
Scholars who reflected no less credit on their College. 
For in 1806 Thomas Rennell, Stratford Canning, and 
John Lonsdale were admitted; and, a little later, 
Edward Craven Hawtrey and John Patteson. Canning's 
stay, as a Scholar, was short, as he joined the diplomatic 
service in 1807; he then became a Fellow- Commoner 
hoping to come back and keep the terms necessary for 
a degree. A letter from Rennell tells him that the 
Provost and one or two of the Fellows were anxious to 
keep him if possible : 

" as for the rest of the College, they know little and care 
less about the matter. The Scholars gaped a little on 
being told that you were gone into ' foreign parts ' but 
even that, as well as every other idea, is now totally defaced 
from their minds, and they grunt on in their ancient piggish 

Eventually, in 1812, Canning received a M.A. degree, 
by royal mandate. He describes his undergraduate life 
as one 

"of pleasant monotony, in which an easy amount of study 
was mingled with healthy exercise and social enjoyments 
suited to the character of the place and its youthful occu- 
pants. I had friends or at least acquaintances in other 
Colleges besides my own ; but I had nothing to do with 


horses, carriages, or boats. Lectures and rare compositions 
were the only demands upon our time." 

He volunteered to study Mathematics, and nearly gave 
them up in despair. But he belonged to what he calls 
a " spouting club," in which Lord Palmerston had made 
his first flight of oratory. 

His bed maker, Mrs. Harradine, called him a nice 
" still stiddy man," and John Lonsdale, who left Eton a 
few months later, writes to him in the warmest terms, 
and quotes Goodall, the Headmaster, as saying that no 
boy ever left the school with so good a character from 
all persons and all ages. This quiet exterior concealed 
a will of iron. In 1810 he was left alone at Constanti- 
nople, with no ambassador to guide him and no instruc- 
tions from home, to re-establish English influence and 
to, make a peace between Russia and the Porte. The 
skill and courage with which he accomplished both 
these purposes, and finally, May 28, 1812, brought 
about the Treaty of Bucharest, thereby setting free a 
Russian army to act against Napoleon at the critical 
moment, are astonishing in so young a man. Canning's 
achievements in diplomacy at the age of twenty-four 
may well be compared with Pitt's Premiership at the 
same age. The Duke of Wellington called it the 
" most important service that ever fell to the lot of any 
individual to perform." He, indeed, attributed it to his 
own brother, who was then Foreign Minister. In 
reality the Foreign Office just then was "fast asleep" 
under Lord Wellesley, and the most important despatch 
which Canning received from him related to some 
classical MSS. supposed to be concealed in the Seraglio. 
The fate of nations was left to the care of the Cambridge 
Undergraduate. The influence which Stratford Canning 


exercised over the Porte at the time of the Crimean 
War was perhaps more complete, but it did not achieve 
greater results, and is not so wonderful in a fully 
accredited Ambassador as it was in an inexperienced 
Attache. A portrait of him, as Lord Stratford de 
Redcliffe, when he was nearly ninety years old, painted 
by H. Herkomer and now in the College Hall, gives 
some notion of the handsome countenance and piercing 
eye which no doubt helped to impress the Oriental mind. 
John Lonsdale came from Eton with a great reputa- 
tion as a Latin Scholar, which he maintained at 
Cambridge by gaining a University Scholarship. In- 
deed, the Latin verses, which he wrote when a boy of 
fifteen, might excite the envy of a generation with whom 
the composition of original Latin verse has become 
almost a lost art. But he was more than a scholar. 
Gunning, who at any rate had a long experience on 
which to found his judgment, says of Lonsdale that he 

" kept his exercises in the Divinity School in a manner 
superior to any other person I ever listened to. He dis- 
covered a fallacy in an argument quicker than any other 
man I ever met, discussed each syllogism on its own merits, 
and when he arrived at the end he disposed of the argu- 
ment in the fewest possible words, but so completely that 
the opponent felt himself incapable of rejoining." 

In the last year of his life the same quality of intellectual 
thoroughness was noticed by a gentleman who, having 
heard the Bishop's address to the Church Congress at 
Wolverhampton, observed, " That's all ; there is nothing 
more to be said." 

Lonsdale became Rector of St. George's, Bloomsbury, 
and Preacher at Lincoln's Inn. In 1840 the Fellows of 
Eton elected him as their Provost; but, finding that 


his friend Hodgson was the nominee of the Crown, he 
retired. Three years later, he became Bishop of 
Lichfield, where he won the reputation of being the 
best Bishop that the diocese had ever had; being a 
model of justice, kindness, humility, and shrewd sense. 
He belonged to no party, but managed to keep peace 
in a stormy time, and to do a great work in his diocese 
in the way of Church extension. When the see of 
Canterbury was vacant in 1848, it was believed that 
Lonsdale would be Archbishop Howley's successor. 
But Lord John Russell was bent on putting down 
Puseyism, and thought he could do this by appointing 
a thorough-going Evangelical. Had Sir Robert Peel 
still been in power, a different choice would probably 
have been made. Lonsdale, however, if a High 
Churchman at all, was one of a very moderate type. 
His relations with Nonconformists may be inferred 
from the fact that the Independent Minister of Eccles- 
hall, where the Episcopal Palace then was, not only 
attended the Bishop's funeral, but also put his own 
Chapel into mourning. It may be doubted whether a 
better scholar than Lonsdale, or a more faultless 
character, was ever trained in King Henry's two 
Foundations. Certainly the year 1806, which saw two 
such men as Canning and Lonsdale admitted to the 
College, was an " annus mirabilis " for King's. 

Thomas Rennell, of the same year, was also a man of 
brilliant promise as a scholar and theologian, but he 
died at the age of thirty-seven. Gunning, however, 
who had kept an Act against him in 1822, on "the 
necessity of a connection between Church and State," 
was of opinion that u though he abounded in eloquence 
yet in reasoning he was very defective." But he does 


not hesitate to call him a man of undoubted talents 
and prodigious acquirements. 

Francis Hodgson was some years senior to this 
remarkable trio, and acted as Tutor, 1808-14. When 
Provost Sumner offered him the post, he found that he 
was expected to lecture on Pearson and Locke. For 
the latter he wished to substitute some literary topic ; 
observing that his own Tutor, Lloyd, who had studied 
Locke deeply, had failed to make his lectures either 
interesting or intelligible. However, he had to give 
way. Hodgson's opinion of his own College was not 
very favourable : 

"Our having all been at the same school certainly 
deadened emulation by placing us at that rank in Cam- 
bridge, in which we relatively stood at Eton. Neither 
had we any public honours to contend for ; and ambition 
too often expired in indolence." 

He himself was far from indolent either in mind or 
body. His spare time was spent in writing reviews and 
poetry, besides an annual examination at Rugby. More 
than once he walked from Cambridge to London, and 
thought nothing of walking from London to Eton. 
What would he not have accomplished with a bicycle ! 
His advice to Lonsdale, not to reside at King's, is given 
in a poetic form : 

" But haste to life ! no glorious scope 

Can in these walls be found ; 
The grave of disappointed Hope, 

Ambition's early bound. 
Here indolence with baneful frost 

Shall nip the vernal bloom, 
Here shame shall mourn o'er glory lost, 
And Vice await its doom." 


Perhaps Juvenal, whom he had already translated in 
1807, inspired him with a somewhat pessimistic view of 
his neighbours. 

During his residence as Tutor he became an intimate 
friend of Lord Byron, and tried to win him back from 
scepticism. Harness gives an account of a visit to 
Newstead in 1811, when conversations were held which, 
after fifty years, he could not recall " without a deep 
feeling of admiration for the judicious zeal and affec- 
tionate earnestness which Dr. Hodgson evinced in his 
advocacy of the truth." At a later time he tried to 
reconcile Byron with his wife ; he was more successful 
in preventing a duel between his friend and Moore. 

Contemporary with Hodgson at King's was Harry 
Drury, for forty-one years a Harrow master, great both 
as a teacher and ruler of boys; and in 1820 having 
ninety pupils out of the 250 then in the school. Lord 
Byron had been his pupil, and was attached to him, 
Drury was a collector of Greek books and MSS., 
and " a great walker with an utter contempt for an 

In 1809 a controversy of some importance arose at 
King's. There had been a disagreement between the 
College and the tenant of their tithes at Prescot in 
Lancashire, the result of which was that no fine was 
paid and money for dividends ran short. Accordingly 
in November 1808, a vote had been passed to borrow 
^9000 stock from the Chest Fund, which could only 
be used for defending law suits or enlarging the College 
property. A former Fellow, Henry Dampier, acting 
with the concurrence of another old Kingsman, Sir 
J. Mansfield, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 
appealed to the Visitor against the action of the 


College; and the Visitor (Bishop Tomline) decided 
that the Fellows must refund the four dividends which 
they had received, and restore to the Chest Fund both 
principal and interest. In the course of his appeal 
Mr. Dampier took occasion to object to the policy 
which he attributed to the College of getting rid of 
beneficial leases and copyholds. 

" I have heard from good authority that this is but the 
beginning of an extensive system : that by this sort of 
Loan all the estates of the College are to be brought into 
hand and let at a Rack Rent. I very much doubt whether 
the projectors of this plan are aware of the vigilance and 
attention necessary to look after a large and dispersed 
Real property so let. The attention of the Fellows would 
be diverted to pursuits very different from those for which 
the College was founded and is supported." 

But the College were wiser in this particular than 
Mr. Dampier. Finding that their copyhold estates let 
on lives were valued at c12,000 a year but only brought 
in ^2000, they determined in 1812 that, where two out 
of three lives had dropped, no renewal should be 
granted ; and thus they began a reform which is hardly 
yet completed. 

There was also a prospect of increased revenue from 
another cause. As early as 1798 the College had offered 
easy terms to their tenants at Grantchester and Coton, 
if they would bear the cost of obtaining an Act of 
Parliament for " dividing and allotting the open and 
commonable fields, commonable land and waste grounds 
within the parishes of Grantchester and Coton." Other 
enclosures had since then taken place, including the one 
which altered the whole character of the land lying 


immediately to the west of Cambridge, and ultimately 
provided Fellows of Colleges with gardens, and Under- 
graduates with cricket grounds. 

It was left, however, to a later generation to deal 
with the beneficial leases. That system, which made 
the tenant almost joint owner with the landlord, was 
not ill suited to a time when College circuits could only 
be made on horseback ; especially if, as was the case 
with King's College, a large proportion of the property 
lay at a distance of 100 or even 200 miles. The coming 
of railways made it possible for Colleges to undertake 
the responsibilities and receive the profits of a modern 
landowner ; and, though backward in their educational 
policy, King's was one of the foremost Colleges to ven- 
ture on financial reform. The change could not be 
made without some temporary sacrifice ; although an 
Act of Parliament enabled the College to borrow money 
in lieu of the fines which they had surrendered, and the 
discovery on their eastern counties estates of a fossil 
called Coprolites, which made a valuable manure, helped 
to furnish them with capital for carrying out improve- 
ments only too sure to be necessary on the expiry of a 
long beneficial lease. It would seem that for the last 
two centuries the College had managed its estates 
wisely ; at least if we may judge by the steady increase 
of dividends, and by the large sums always forthcoming 
to be spent on repairs and on additions to the College 
buildings. In two respects the College must always 
have been an easy landlord. Game preserving did not 
diminish the farmer's profits ; and if a right of sporting 
was nominally reserved to the College, this amounted 
to little more than an occasional friendly visit to the 
tenant. At other times the farmer probably shot or 


trapped as he pleased. Nor is there any record of the 
College attempting to influence the politics of the 
tenants. The College, if not always an improving, has 
never been an interfering landlord. 

In the last year of Provost Simmer's life, 1813, the 
College embarked on two adventures, neither of which 
turned out successful. They petitioned the Lords of 
the Treasury to grant them a " close " at Grantchester, 
which had belonged to a man named Kidman. Kidman 
had formerly robbed the College of "many hundred 
pounds of plate and medals," and so was enabled to 
purchase the property, which he now forfeited for 
felony. The College, as Lords of the Manor, claimed 
a right to the forfeiture, under an Act passed in the 
reign of Henry VI. At the same time they complained 
that since 1700 they had been defrauded of two tuns of 
Gascony wine, which Henry VI. had granted annually, 
and instead of which a compensation in money had 
afterwards been paid. My Lords referred them to the 
Law Courts to make good their claims ; and nothing 
more seems to have been attempted. 

Towards the end of the same year they raised an 
objection to the custom by which Fellows of Eton held 
Livings. This was contrary to the Eton Statutes and 
to the oath taken by Fellows that they would not make 
use of any dispensation exempting them from observance 
of the Statutes. Such a dispensation had been granted 
by Queen Elizabeth in 1566, 

" because we certainly perceive the price meet for main- 
tenance of hospitality and living to be far greater at this 
day, than in former times, and that it is not inconvenient 
for you to have some cures abroad, where you may both 
teach and inform our subjects in their duties to God and us." 


The controversy went on for some time, till the 
Visitor decided, on April 8, 1816, that the oath taken 
by the Eton Fellows did not debar them from profiting 
by Elizabeth's dispensation. The apparent impertinence 
of one College interfering with the practice of another 
is to be explained by the intimate connection between 
the two. The Kingsmen held that they had a claim 
on the Eton Fellowships, and were injured by any 
diminution in the number of vacancies, and the suc- 
cession was certain to be more rapid, if on taking a 
Living every Fellow of Eton vacated his Fellowship. 
Nor was this their first protest. As early as 1636 they 
had preferred complaints before Archbishop Laud, that 
aliens were admitted to Eton Fellowships, that the 
Statutable number of Fellowships was not maintained, 
and that the Scholars were stinted in food and clothing 
in order that the revenues might be divided among a 
few Fellows. Laud did something to satisfy the Kings- 
men, by deciding that five out of seven Fellowships 
should be reserved for members of their College, and 
this settlement was confirmed after the Restoration. 

A case of a different kind had been referred to the 
Visitor ten years before the appeal against Eton. A 
clerical Fellow, named Bearblock, had long lived in 
Essex with some one who passed as his wife and was 
treated as such by their neighbours. At last his right 
to a Fellowship was challenged, and he was ejected. The 
Visitor had to decide whether unanimity was necessary 
for this purpose. He decided that it was not, and at 
the same time administed a severe rebuke to the 
single Fellow who had ventured to maintain that Bear- 
block's case was not provided for by the Statutes. More 
than thirty years later, two similar cases occurred. A 


Mr. Cliffe Hatch, who had lived first at Brecknock and 
then at Worplesdon in Surrey, was deprived of his 
Fellowship ; the accuser in this case being Sir F. 
Wetherall, who claimed the vacancy for his grandson, 
a boy at Eton. 

In the case of Mr. Hunt, a resident Fellow, it was 
decided by a majority at a small meeting, that there 
were not sufficient grounds for summoning him before 
the College. It seems probable that the Fellows were 
determined not to condemn a man, who had lived among 
them for many years, and had made himself useful as a 
Bursar of the College. 



ON Simmer's death, Thomas Rennell, Dean of Win- 
chester, father of the Scholar of 1806, was a candidate 
for the Provostship, and wrote to ask for Hodgson's 
support, March 26, 1814 : 

" I fear you will think me very presumptuous, in placing 
myself before you as candidate for the succession to the 
Provostship. But as I thought I discerned, when I had 
the happiness of seeing you, that a large portion of the 
milk of human kindness was combined with your high 
talents and attainments, I trust that whatever may be the 
part you take in this contest you will receive with candour 
my application for your support. I can only add that, if 
by the kindness of my friends I should succeed, my resi- 
dence upon my post would be constant." 

The applicant had a great reputation as a scholar and 
preacher, and in 1794 had preached a Commencement 
Sermon on the French Revolution before Pitt, which had 
gained him the Mastership of the Temple. It seems 
strange that a Dean of Winchester should condescend 
to apply for the Headship of a College, and also that 
he should think it necessary to promise that he would 
reside. But as yet, perhaps, it could not be taken for 
granted that Sumner^s example, in resigning his Living, 
would be followed by his successors. 


The electors, however, preferred George Thackeray, 
a member of a family well known at Eton and King's. 
His grandfather, Thomas, had been a strong candidate 
for the Provostship in 1743, and it was thought that 
his uncle, Elias Thackeray, might have been elected 
instead of Cooke in 1772 if he had offered himself as a 
candidate. The father of George Thackeray was a 
doctor at Windsor, who died young, and the son would 
never have become even a Scholar at King's if George III. 
had not persuaded an old Fellow who resided at 
Windsor to resign in time to create a vacancy just 
before the election of 1797. 

Thackeray soon returned to Eton as a Master, and in 
a few more years became Lower Master as well as Chap- 
lain in Ordinary to the King. Elected Provost at the 
early age of thirty-seven, he might reasonably have 
been expected to become a prominent figure in the 
University, but his activity was much impaired by bad 
health. He had met with an accident at a cricket 
match when he was an undergraduate, the ball hitting 
his side and injuring him so much that he was not 
expected to recover, and the effect on his health was 
permanent. Indeed, a tradition, preserved by the oldest 
Kingsman now living, Mr. Tucker, says that the Fellows 
were anxious to elect Ben Drury, a popular but im- 
provident Eton Master, but the vacancy came too soon. 
Drury was too young, or there was some other difficulty 
at the moment, and in electing Thackeray they thought 
they were putting in some one who could not live more 
than a few years. However, as Mr. Tucker writes : 
" That was in 1815. I saw him placidly looking into 
the shops in the main street of Cheltenham in 1845 
and Provost still." 


Besides want of health, another misfortune which 
helped to depress his spirits was the loss of his wife, 
who died in 1818, leaving him an only daughter. The 
daughter was born in a house in Wimpole Street, where 
Mrs. Thackeray was attended by Sir Richard Croft, 
whose mind was unhinged by his recent failure in the 
case of Princess Charlotte ; and it was in this house that 
the unfortunate surgeon shot himself, perhaps from a 
presentiment that a second failure was imminent. 

Provost Thackeray's favourite pursuits were the study 
of Shakespeare and of Natural History; but he also 
knew by heart whole poems of Walter Scott ; and those 
who were admitted to the hospitality of the Lodge, 
where his sister-in-law, Miss Cottin, lived and acted as 
mistress, found the Provost a master of the art of con- 
versation. The well-known scholar, Dr. Parr, was a 
frequent visitor, and observed : " There are two things, 
Mr. Provost, that I always enjoy here roast pig, and 
the drive to the Gogmagog Hills in your coach and 

Like most of his family, he was a handsome man, and 
he seems to have concealed under a rather stiff manner 
a really kind heart, for it is said that, if a young Fellow 
was out of health and needed change of air, the Provost 
would supply him with the necessary funds. 

The habits of those days, however, did not encourage 
much intercourse between Heads and Undergraduates, 
and an old Kingsman writes : 

" We seldom saw him excepting when he occasionally 
appeared in Chapel on a week day, and when the news 
spread rapidly through the rooms that white ties were 
indispensable. We appeared at the Lodge after examina- 
tions, but there was very little sympathy between the 


Head and the junior members, or consciousness on our side 
that we were cared for certainly there was no hospitality 

Another old Kingsman describes his first experience 
of a visit at the Lodge, at the end of Term, when prizes 
in books or in money for regular attendance at Chapel 
were awarded to some ; and he himself received a repri- 
mand for mispronouncing the name " Tychicus " in 
reading a lesson for the first time. There is no doubt 
that Thackeray could be severe on occasion. Once in a 
dispute at a meeting, when a Bursar was rude enough to 
say to him, " Ah ! Pontius Pilate was a Provost," he 
replied, "True, Mr. H., and Judas Iscariot was a"* Bur- 
sar." His cousin, the novelist, went to call on him in 
1850, and found him " perfectly healthy, handsome, 
stupid and happy, and he isn't a bit changed in twenty 
years." But, at seventy-three years of age, a man has 
some right to be stupid, and, as he died within a few 
months, perhaps there was some mistake about the 

The election to the Provostship in 1814 was not the 
only occasion on which the houses of Thackeray and 
Rennell were opposed to each other. Martin Thackeray, 
a cousin of the Provost, had been elected annually to 
some College office from 1815 to 1826, and in this last 
year was made Vice-Provost. A junior Fellow, George 
Rennell, in the following autumn appealed to the Visitor 
and complained " that so much College money bestowed 
in so many appointments on one individual could not 
be contemplated by the Founder " ; and that younger 
members had been discouraged from residing in College 
and becoming serviceable to its interests by this " heap- 
ing office and emolument on certain individuals as 



private friendship, interest, or caprice afford a cause or 
direct the will of the Provost." Whereupon, at a meeting 
on November 7, 1827, the nine Seniors present declared 
that " the Reflection cast upon the Provost was utterly 
without foundation," and expressed their regret that the 
Visitor, in his answer to the appeal, had ignored, instead 
of censuring, "so highly objectionable a clause." * In 
November of the following year, 1828, a strenuous 
effort was made to oust Martin Thackeray from the 
Vice-Provostship, and when that failed, to prevent 
Charles Simeon, who was a warm supporter of Martin 
Thackeray, from being elected Dean. There were fre- 
quent adjournments, and the list of officers was not 
completed till January 31, 1829. 

Martin Thackeray is highly praised by Gunning, who 
tells us that Thackeray was a great advocate for those 
reforms in the examination of the Eton boys, " which 
were for a long period strenuously resisted by the Pro- 
vost, by Goodall, and by Keate." Thackeray was more 
successful in reforms within his own province. Before 
his time, when Fellows had friends to visit, they used to 
give a round of dinners of the most expensive kind ; 

"he introduced such a system of neatness and elegance 
at the table over which he presided, that the Fellows took 
their friends into Hall, and then adjourned to their own 
rooms for wine and dessert." 

It was not that he himself cared for good living, for he 
always dined off mutton and rice pudding. Gunning 
tells us that at a contested election for the county 

* Mr. Tucker's reminiscences represent George Rennell's charac- 
ter in a more favourable light. See p. 248. 


Thackeray refused to canvass, on behalf of a friend, for 
the vote of a tradesman largely employed by the 
College, thinking it unfair to put any pressure on him. 
He was, in short, a very highminded man, impatient of 
what he thought to be abuses, and somewhat intolerant 
of men who adopted a low standard. He could appre- 
ciate Simeon, but most of the Seniors seemed to him 
men " with little disposition to do anything for the 
Founder, who had done so much for them." 

In 1817 the Butt Close controversy was re-opened by 
the College proposing to resume possession of the part 
of the Close hitherto let to Clare College. However, it 
was eventually arranged that Clare should become pro- 
prietors of the part which they occupied, and should 
surrender to King's not only a piece of ground at the 
north-west corner of the Chapel, but also the White 
Horse Inn and other houses between King's Lane and 
the Bull Hotel ; and this settlement was ratified by 
Act of Parliament. 

During the next few years various alterations were 
made in the College buildings and grounds. Iron gates 
were put up at the west door of the Chapel, and under 
the north and south Porches ; the old Clock and Pent- 
house at the north-east corner were removed, and a 
plantation was made on the south side of the College 
field across the Cam. The College stables were also 
removed to their present position. Even more con- 
spicuous an alteration than these was the building of a 
new bridge. A surveyor having reported that the old 
one was likely to fall into the river, it was determined, 
September 30, 1818, that a new bridge of stone should 
be placed in a line with the south walk, and the old 
walk across the "Quarters" changed into two "mounds," 


and some of the trees cut down. At the same time ivy 
and trees were planted under Clare wall. The cost of 
these improvements was naturally more than had been 
anticipated ; and Simeon generously gave 700 to help 
the College. Whether the College really needed the 
help is doubtful. In 1817 they gave up their feast on 
March 25, " owing to the present distressed state of the 
country ," and contributed 40 guineas for the relief of 
the poor; and in the years which follow there are 
frequent instances of abatements of rent owing to 
agricultural distress; but in 1818 they were able to 
vote no less than 11 dividends i.e., to each senior 
,330, and ^220 to each M.A. Fellow ; and ten years 
later it was ordered that all Tenants, who failed to pay 
their rent and fines within three months after they 
became due, should be charged 5 per cent., a penalty 
which it certainly would not be possible to exact at the 
present day. Moreover, they were about to embark on 
the largest building operation known since the founda- 
tion of the College. There may sometimes have been 
difficulty about the actual specie needed for immediate 
use ; and on December 14, 1825, the College accepted 
an offer from Simeon to bring down from London *75Q 
in cash and notes from Messrs. Hoare for the ensuing 
quarterage. It does not appear whether Simeon 
travelled by coach, or whether he rode from town with 
the money packed in his saddle-bags. 

The year 1822 is an important epoch in the history 
of the College buildings. The old Court no longer 
satisfied the requirements of the age. It must have 
been gloomy and sunless, as Elias Thackeray complained 
in 1790, when he had to write an epigram for some 
slight College offence : 


" Mirarisne, meae si tardum forte Camoenae 
Ingenium, et votis absit Apollo meis ? 
Unde etenim has veniat nobis ille aequus in aedes, 
Quas numquam roseo conspicit ore, Deus ? " 

The habits too of those who lived in the old Court 
were more picturesque than academical. Mr. Tucker, 
who afterwards held the College Rectory of Dunton in 
Essex and is still living, has left us a graphic account of 
his own experiences in 1822-25. In his time the upper 
floor was no longer used except for lumber-rooms; a 
Freshman began life on the ground floor and was after- 
wards promoted to the floor above, where the rooms 
were larger and better lighted, besides being panelled in 
oak. One article of furniture is said to have passed on 
from tenant to tenant viz., the curtains, which changed 
their colour under the dyer's hands, as well as their 
price, but remained as fixtures for all time. 

It was the duty of the Scholar who lived immediately 
above the Freshman to take him in hand and initiate 
him in his duties. For a week or more the "Nib" 
hardly dared to go out of sight of his " Chum." Tucker 
describes the ample repast given him, by way of 
welcome, by his chum, John Wilder ; and those who 
knew the late Vice-Provost of Eton in after days will 
readily believe that the hospitality was unstinted. 

The Court itself was 

" wholly unpaved, rough-gravelled, and rather grotesque 
under its ancient and modern look ; with its bricklayer's 
white-sided schools ; tiled Hall, and red-bricked wall, 
screening the lower side of the modern kitchens. The 
Hall was moderate in size and of no style, panelled and 
painted, with a central stove. It had five tables ; four for 


dining, the fifth for hats and caps. Always very popular 
and deservedly on Feast Days." 

" Most of us/' Mr. Tucker writes, " had dogs. Dogs and 
King's were in a manner identical. None of us ever went 
a single step out of College in cap or gown. Dog, top-hat, 
and walking-stick. Why not? we had nothing to do 
beyond a Greek or English Lecture at 11, not always 
that ; and at no time over long. It was little more than 
a distraction. To be sure we had Chapel at 8, our great 
grievance, as no Chapels were allowed us ; and it was so 
monotonous to get up every morning at 8. The authorities 
had no doubt felt this, and had provided a relief. It was 
in the form of a Latin epigram of four lines, in which utter 
grief was usually expressed at the power of sleep, and the 
regret which must be felt by the Dean at our absence. 
The same epigram was sufficient for the whole three years 
of residence. In the fervour of a first Term I had com- 
posed two, which were submitted alternately with the 
regularity of a loom. 

" It may be seen, as I have already said, that taking it 
as a whole we had a good deal of leisure ; and that after 
the strain of Lecture we had only to think of our constitu- 
tions in the Madingly, Grantchester, Gogmagog and other 
roads ; or quietly to saunter into Deighton's, and look at 
his books ; or to read the morning papers in the Union 
until lunch time between 1 and 2. Stilton was nearly 
universal in the book-case cupboard, supplemented with ale 
and bread from the Buttery. Some preferred a chop in 
the Kitchen, hardly off the gridiron with potato from the 
steam, which, considering that Hall was at 4, presumed 
an unusual vitality. 

" But these are trifles. In the summer of my first year, 
Maturin, afterwards Vicar of Ringwood, organised an 
instrumental Band of Kingsmen and others. Some dozen 
or so of players with Band instruments, formed a circle in 


the midst of Old Court, Maturin, a very fair violinist, stood 
at their head as conductor and leader. The programme 
chiefly from overtures. Bishop's Guy Mannering was a 
favourite, and if I remember rightly Rossini's William Tell. 
They rehearsed in Maturin's rooms, and played in the 
Court remarkably well. No one was invited ; but the 
strains were full and sonorous, waving afar ; and many 
came within the iron gates to listen. Vice Provost, Deans 
and Tutors took not the slightest notice ; perhaps they 
were musical." 

It so happened that just about this time a real 
musical genius was a member of the Society. This was 
William Sterndale Bennett, who from 1824-26 was a 
King's Chorister, but at the early age of ten was trans- 
planted to the London Academy of Music. 

Old Court, however, was, as Mr. Tucker tell us, 

" not always harmonious. Very noisy sometimes ; roughish 
games after a sort, with lots of small College loafers inter- 
mixed ; not always best behaved ; mostly old oppidans 
with much freedom of speech among themselves. Occa- 
sionally a casement from the Schools would open, and a 
voice protest ; ' Non possumus procedere propter ' that 
' Propter ' would be the last word heard. Apologies were 
loudly shouted back in the doggiest of Latin, and the 
window would shut with a snap." 

The Lectures which Mr. Tucker had to attend were 
either English or Greek. The former were given by the 
Vice-Provost, and consisted of " Locke on the Under- 
standing." They do not seem to have been taken very 
seriously by the Scholars ; and the Lecturer did little 
more than read half sentences from the author and then 
ask one of his class for the conclusion of the sentence. 


More interest was taken in a Lecture on Aristophanes 
given by Richard Byam, a great favourite ; each of the 
class took the part of one of the " dramatis personae " 
and construed in turn. On Sunday evenings at 6 P.M. 
the Vice-Provost lectured on the Greek Testament ; but 
the preparation for this consisted in a wine party after 
Hall ; and the results were not satisfactory. 

There was one among the Fellows who wished to 
raise the standard of the teaching. This was George 

" On the vacancy of a Tutorship he applied for it. But 
unhappily he was a ' persona ingrata ' to the Provost. The 
Provost hated change, and set his face firmly against any ; 
and Rennell had been a reformer in a small way, of course 
an unsuccessful one. But he was not only a competent 
aspirant to the honour, but an only one. There was not a 
single resident at that time in the College whom the 
Provost could appoint ; and turning a deaf ear to Rennell 
he proposed to substitute an out-College man. 

" Rennell appealed to our Visitor, Kaye, Bishop of 
Lincoln and Master of Christ's. It was a novel application 
of the Visitor's powers ; but a week's appeal to the Statutes 
might reasonably have been thought sufficient fora decision. 
Month after month passed. Rennell re-appealed. He was 
not to be foiled by delay. To no purpose. Oracle dumb. 
At last the climax came. 

" The Bishop and the Provost were on most friendly 
terms, and the former accepted an invitation to dinner. 
One of his Fellows remonstrated with him for going while 
the Appeal was on as an indecency. The answer rumoured 
at the time was : ' I don't see why I should lose a good 
dinner because of the Appeal.' At all events the Bishop 
dined ; and very soon afterwards the Appeal was dismissed ; 
and an out-College Tutor appointed. One may feel for 


Rennell; but the change as a principle was of infinite 
advantage to King's." 

Although Mr. Tucker represents himself and his con- 
temporaries as rather an idle set, yet he and a brother 
Kingsman, Best, gave up some time to the study of 
French, German, and Italian; the only available 
teacher of German being a young tobacconist in the 
Petty Cury. In fact, they were ready to learn whatever 
Cambridge was not prepared to teach. 

It is evident from Mr. Tucker's account that some of 
the resident Fellows did not set a good example to 
their juniors. One of this class was Edward Pote, who 
though in full orders had long ceased from any clerical 

" He was to be seen throughout the year in strong, stout, 
white Russia ducks mostly a little frayed at the heel ; 
but coat, always black, which had a degree of merit at a 
time when every one else had swallow-tailed coats of blue, 
green, olive, or various shades of brown with gilt buttons. 
He was a constant attendant in Hall except on shooting 
days, when he dined in his rooms. Never once in Chapel 
in my time, but invariable in the Old Court ' Combi.' He 
was a good shot; a thorough sportsman over King's lands 
and farms, and occasionally, like the Highlander, a little 
' over the Border.' But he was a thoroughly fair sports- 
man, and a true lover of animals, as his outer room testified. 
There was in that neither carpet nor curtains ; low, green 
Venetian blinds, as they were then called, shut in the 
windows. There was his dog, a setter, naturally enough in 
one corner. Then there were his magpie, or his jay in 
short a petty menagerie of various kinds. The effect was 
such that a visitor made his way across to the inner room, 
or sanctum, as quickly as possible. That inner sanctum 


had a book case of cherished books ; a gridiron, and other 
culinary accompaniments for shooting days when too late 
for the Hall, under the Market-ministration of his Bed- 

"The writer not unfrequently went out shooting with 
him. One day as we were out two or three miles from 
Cambridge on unpreserved ground, he said to me, ' We 
must go a little to the right to such-and-such a church, as 
I have promised to take a funeral there at 3 o'clock.' We 
reached it in time, and stopped at the outer gate. ' Keep 
the dog and my gun,' quoth he. He leaned the gun by 
the gate ; tucked up his trousers into shorts ; went in ; 
performed the funeral ; came forth ; took up his gun ; 
patted doggie on the head, and we went on as before, 
shooting our way home." 

Mr. Tucker also describes excursions to balls at 
Huntingdon and Bury, made in gig or tandem. Some 
former Scholar had managed to possess himself of a 
surreptitious key, which was always lent to the ball- 
goers. But even this seems to have been almost 
an unnecessary precaution; for Mr. Tucker says, 
"We happily had no 'gates 1 ; or if late arrivals were 
chronicled we never heard of it ; no notice was taken." 
Perhaps a return to College at 4 or 5 A.M. would 
have been too much even for the tolerant Dons of 
those days. 

Mr. Tucker has also something to say about wine 
parties and whist clubs ; and altogether the contrast 
between the actual life of his contemporaries and that 
prescribed in the Statutes is a glaring one, even when 
due allowance has been made for the inevitable change 
of habits in the course of three centuries and more. 
Nor is it surprising if the authorities thought it high 


time to transplant the Undergraduates, and give them 
the benefit of new surroundings. Accordingly architects 
were invited by advertisement to furnish plans and 
elevations for a new building ; and prizes of ^300, %OQ, 
and WO were offered for a competition which was to 
be anonymous. Only a week before the prizes were 
awarded the College decided to give the preference to a 
Gothic plan. On March 25, 1823, the first prize was 
awarded to" Mr. William Wilkins, whose plan was then 
submitted to a Committee of Architects, two of them 
being Wyatt and Nash, and was altered in accordance 
with their suggestions. It was a year more before the 
contract with Stannard, a Norwich builder, was settled ; 
the estimate was =73,000, but the whole cost eventually 
amounted to =100,000. The stone used came from 
Ketton in Rutlandshire. 

At the same time the Provost was empowered, after 
the building was erected, to make a contract for " Gothi- 
cizing" Gibbs's Building according to Wilkins's plan, 
and then for adding cloisters behind the screen. The 
original dimensions of the Court had to be somewhat 
curtailed, because the College failed to acquire Mr. 
Cory's house, which stood on the site now covered by 
Scott's Building. The College had done their best to 
come to terms with Mr. Cory ; and the latter had 
actually accepted an offer, which he afterwards repudi- 
ated. Leave was, however, obtained to divert the course 
of King's Lane, which formerly entered Trumpington 
Street, to the north of Mr. Cory's house. It was 
intended that at each end of the Screen there should be 
a gateway : that on the south to admit carriages, and the 
one on the north to be a dummy. This kind of mathe- 
matical symmetry was characteristic of Mr. Wilkius's 


Gothic ; and there were to have been two oriel windows 
in the Hall, in addition to the two galleries and two 
lanterns. The new kitchen, and therefore probably the 
new Hall, was used for the first time on February 27, 

Though the College failed in their dealings with Mr. 
Cory, they were more successful with the University, to 
whom, after a good deal of bargaining, they sold the old 
Court for ,12,000. This would not have gone far 
towards paying their new bill ; and, as a matter of fact, 
it was applied for the purchase of landed property; 
but a large sum was by this time accummulated in the 
Chest Fund, and something was added by the sale of 
trees, walls, and the gateway on the south of the 
College. In January 1828, when the new buildings 
were finished, the old Provost's Lodge was also pulled 
down, and the materials sold. 

The Lodge had undergone so many alterations, 
especially in 1786, that it must have lost much of its 
original character. Mr. Tucker describes it as a 
" largish, dark-red brick, tiled house ; many windows 
broad ; unsightly, but not uncommon. It had nothing 
noticeable about it; it was like many old houses 
scattered over the country; mostly turned nowadays 
into schools ; conveying on the whole a strong idea of 
dulness. As one looked at it and fancied, the idea 
would come of darkish passages, and wide wooden 
carved staircases. Nor would the looker's idea be far 
wrong. The rooms to which we were at any time 
admitted were low, large, and panelled. If I remember 
right, it was separated from the Lawn by a low garden 
wall and hedge, which ran down the whole side towards 
the Lane, enclosing, as it went, the little bits of yards 


and gardens of the street cottages." Most of this must 
already have been swept away to make room for the 
Screen and Porter's Lodge. 

The adoption of Wilkins's plan naturally led to the 
completion of the easternmost window on the south side 
of the Chapel, the lower half of which had been left a 
blank wall, in order that the eastern wing of the projected 
building might abut against it. In 1830 it was glazed 
in accordance with Mr. Hedgeland's design, the old 
glass being moved from the upper to the lower part of 
the window. At nearly the same time Lord de Dun- 
stanville gave glass to fill the oriel window in the 

The attention paid to material improvements had 
perhaps diminished that which discipline demanded. 
At any rate, for some years after the building was 
finished, the younger members of the College seem to 
have been even more disorderly than before. Early 
one summer morning half a dozen scholars broke into 
the old and now deserted Court, and lighted fires, to 
feed which they used wood from the old Combination 
Room. A little later, a Scholar and a young Fellow 
were in disgrace for intruding into a Meeting House in 
Green Street on a Sunday evening, and trying to pro- 
voke laughter in the congregation. One of them made 
matters worse by escaping from the Proctor without 
giving his name. The next year a Scholar named Price 
was actually deprived of his Scholarship, a very rare 
occurrence ; but, besides knocking down and insulting 
a tradesman who had called to get his bill paid, he had 
been guilty of habitual misconduct. A man of older 
standing, Lionel Buller, elected a Fellow in 1821, began 
in 1832 to behave in so outrageous a manner as to make 


his sanity a matter of doubt. Ten years later, he was 
in prison for debt, having borrowed ^300 (half of 
it in wine and brandy) on the security of his Fellow- 
ship ; finally he was accused of fraud and perjury in 
1848. The case came before the Master of the Rolls, 
who condemned Buller's conduct so severely that the 
College had no hesitation in depriving him of his 

From these scenes it is a relief to turn to the closing 
days of Simeon. In his early life he had proved the 
truth of the proverb " Bene facere et male audire 
regium est " ; but opposition had gradually died down. 
He had long had a devoted band of Undergraduate 
followers, larger (according to Bishop Charles Words- 
worth) than that which followed Newman, and for a 
longer time. In 1831 as many as 120 Freshmen were 
introduced to him. It was more difficult to conciliate 
official opinion ; yet even this had been done. In 
1826 he received a visit from three Bishops, and he 
observes : 

" In former years I should as soon have expected a visit 
from three crowned heads as from three persons wearing a 
mitre ; not because there was any want of condescension 
in them, but because my religious character affixed a stigma 
to my name." 

And Lord Macaulay told his sister that Simeon's 
influence and authority extended to the most remote 
corners of England, and that his real sway over the 
Church was far greater than that of any Primate. 
Yet within his own College the old prejudice never 
quite disappeared. When Tucker was an Under- 
graduate, Simeon used to dine in the Bursars 1 parlour 


with Leycester and Hinde. Hinde and Simeon did 
not speak to each other. Leycester was Moderator. 
Mr. Tucker, who tells us this, adds : 

" I never once saw Simeon in our Chapel. He was among 
us not of us ; and during the six years I was at King's, he 
never made a single convert or disciple." 

He says, however, that Simeon's " manner was singularly 
gentle ; and he invariably received the greatest respect 
from us."" 

The visits to Simeon's rooms, at the top of Gibbs's 
Building, were almost looked upon as pilgrimages, and 
the iron rail, fixed into the wall opposite the banisters 
to help Simeon, which went by the name of the " Saint's 
Rest," must have been useful to many other elderly 
men on the way up or down these stairs. In these 
rooms, after a short illness, Simeon died. He was 
buried in the Ante Chapel on November 24, 1836. 

Rowland Williams, who had just been admitted a 
Scholar, tells us that : 

"about 800 gownsmen, old and young, followed in pro- 
cession, though the day was cold and wet. As we entered 
Chapel, the opening Anthem had a beautiful effect ; our 
Provost also read beautifully, and never perhaps were more 
tears shed for a man by those in no way related to him." 

The history has already reached a period within the 
memory of men still living ; Mr. Tucker is a witness to 
the state of things during the third decade of the 
century, and some reminiscences of the College, 1833 
to 1836, are furnished by Bishop Abraham, a man 
" quern nemo non parum amat, etiam si plus amare non 


" We had," he writes, " two hours of Lectures every day, 
one hour for Classics and one for Mathematics. Our Tutor 
for both was the Rev. F. Isaacson, Fellow of St. John's, a 
firstrate Tutor in Classics and quite good enough for us in 
Algebra etc. As an accurate scholar he was, to my mind, 
unrivalled. Probably Shilleto was more of a genius ; but 
Provost Goodford's great reputation for reliable accuracy 
was, I think, gained rather from Isaacson the College 
Tutor than from Shilleto his coach. The Divinity Lecturer 
was the Revd. Sir George Craufurd, a devout and refined 
gentleman, much respected by us all. I need hardly say 
that the great resource of all was cricket.* We were too 
few and too poor for boating. But cricket kept us from 
loafing in the summer ; and occasional rides on horseback, 
or driving a trap, were our only resources in the way of 
amusement in the winter. 

" Considering the lack of any incentive for study and 
distinction in the College or the University, it was fortunate 
that men had brought from Eton to Cambridge independent 
tastes and resources; and on looking back to my Under- 
graduate and B.A. Terms, the thing that strikes me most 
is the versatility of the men I knew there." 

In illustration of this versatility, Bishop Abraham 
mentions W. W. Harvey, the editor of Irenaeus ; 
R. Barrett, a man of great learning and a skilful chess 
player, in spite of his being nearly blind ; C. A. Wilkin- 
son ; Robert Latham, a pioneer in philology and also a 
physician ; John Hibbert, 

* At this time most of the cricketers of Cambridge came from a 
few great schools, Eton supplying a large proportion of them. Not 
long before Bishop Abraham's time, King's and University was an 
annual match; and in 1820 and 1821, the scores for which years 
happen to be preserved, each side in turn won a close match by one 


" a philanthropist on a large scale, who used to open his 
grounds to the poor, and occasionally entertained them by 
hundreds, to the astonishment of the police ; for he main- 
tained perfect order by means of his simple large-hearted- 
ness and joyous welcome to all ; " 

lastly, George Williams, 

"who was, I cannot deny, the boy of least intellectual 
mark at Eton, but who became, mainly by the encourage- 
ment and example of the good Charles Simeon, a man of 
very considerable literary eminence and personal influence 
for good." 

It is impossible to compare the Bishop's account with 
that of Mr. Tucker without feeling that Wilkins's 
Building, or some other cause, had done something to 
change the tone of the College. Yet it will be seen 
from the next chapter that the old leaven had not 
entirely disappeared. 



THE College does not seem to have indulged in any 
extravagant outburst of loyalty at the accession of 
Queen Victoria ; but, in order to keep Coronation Day 
in June 1838, the College Tinman was ordered to 
provide the necessary lamps for a Crown and for the 
Queen's initials ; and 1.0 was voted towards a dinner 
to be given to the poor. The scale on which these 
rejoicings were held contrasts with the sum of <^?500 
voted in 1864 for the reception of the newly-married 
Prince and Princess of Wales. Greater liberality, how- 
ever, was shown in helping Eton College with their new 
buildings, which have done so much for the improve- 
ment in the condition of the Collegers ; the sum of ^500 
being voted on November 25, 1841, for that purpose. 
In August 1843 there was an extraordinary hailstorm 
in the Cambridge district, which did great damage to 
the crops ; and in the following spring ^300 was 
divided among the tenants who had suffered. Nor did 
the horrors of the Irish famine pass unnoticed, but a 
vote of WO was passed for the " remote parishes of 
Ireland and Scotland. 1 ' 

During all these years the attention of the College 
was much occupied with the development of their 
property. In 1832-33 they purchased for ^12,000 the 


estate of Troy on the Colne in Hertfordshire ; and a few 
years later they added to their Grantchester property. 
The money for this last purchase came, in part, from 
the gifts of Mr. Davidson, one of the most munificent of 
our private benefactors ; and in part from a bequest from 
Dr. Barnes, formerly Vice-Provost, whose appointment 
to be Master of Peterhouse was a surprise both to himself 
and to the members of his second College, but who never 
forgot what he called ' the dear place of his education. 11 
The Tithe Commutation Act of 1836 gave the 
College and their agents plenty of work in settling the 
amounts to be paid in future in the parishes in which 
they were interested, either as owners or payers of 
tithe. Railway legislation too was already in full 
progress ; and it was no easy matter to decide whether 
this novelty should be welcomed or opposed ; more 
often than not, the College seems to have resisted the 
invasion of their estates by the steam-engine. The 
tendency to enclose waste or open land had by no 
means ceased; and the College was ready enough to 
promote the policy of converting down into arable land, 
while the price of corn still remained high. Moreover, 
they had experienced the difficulty of keeping a firm 
hold on the land over which they had manorial rights. 
In parts of the country, especially in Dorsetshire, 
squatters had built themselves cottages and occupied 
plots of ground without any recognition of the land- 
lord's right. Such appropriations were generally 
converted into legal tenures at the next manorial court 
held in the district, and the regular College circuits no 
doubt helped to prevent any permanent alienation of 
property ; but to promote enclosures may have seemed 
the best way to stop encroachments. 


At home a beginning had already been made to 
provide a new and larger garden, which should replace 
the one formerly enjoyed by the Fellows on the east 
side of the Cam. The enclosure of St. Giles's parish 
had given the College ground to the west of the road 
which runs through the " Backs " ; and in October 
1836 it was resolved that the nearest of these fields 
should be 

" planted, and a walk made through the plantation ; the 
interior to be secured by an iron fence and enjoyed by the 
Provost rent free : The Walk to be accessible to the Provost 
and his family, and also to Fellows by keys not transfer- 

The Provost consented, on condition of three acres 
being left as pasture. The Fellows thus gained the 
privilege of walking round a shrubbery, and contem- 
plating the four horses which drew the Provost's coach, 
as they grazed within the iron fence. But this did not 
satisfy them for long; and on March 20, 1851, Provost 
Okes having "consented to commute the Close now 
assigned to him for some other as soon as one becomes 
vacant," the original field was to "be "laid out as a 
pleasure ground for the Fellows of the College." The 
field assigned to the Provost, as compensation for this 
loss, now forms part of the College cricket ground. 
Considerable skill was shown by the Bursar, Mr. Bump- 
sted, in laying out the Fellows' garden ; and perhaps 
the only fault to be found in it is its remoteness from 
the College buildings, and the fact that it is practically 
inaccessible after dark. 

The Chapel also called for a good deal of expenditure. 
The windows had often undergone some repair, but a 


more thorough attempt was now made to mend and 
secure them, and Mr. Hedgeland was commissioned to 
undertake the work, which went on at intervals for 
about seven years. At last, in 1849, it was discovered 
that Mr. Hedgeland was introducing new glass and 
destroying the character of the windows, and his pro- 
ceedings were stopped. 

Ten years later the Organ had its turn; being 
reconstructed by Hill at a cost of nearly ^1000. 
About the same amount had been spent on it at the 
beginning of the century, the organ builder chiefly 
employed at that time being Avery. It was in 1859 
that the angels were placed on the organ case. Smaller 
figures of a similar kind had formerly stood there, but 
had been removed to make way for pinnacles. 

But the roof of the Chapel now called for attention ; 
and a report of Sir G. G. Scott's in 1860 showed that 
both timber and lead must be renewed. It took several 
years to complete the necessary repairs, which included 
the addition of tie-rods, and the cost was ^2715. 

It was long since the College had given any trouble 
to their Visitor ; but the intervention of Bishop Kaye 
was called for, in 1838, by a case which had occurred at 
the Eton election. The Founder's Statutes did not 
limit the number of boys to be examined for Scholar- 
ships at King's ; but since 1660 it had been the custom 
to admit to examination only the thirteen seniors in 
standing, and twelve of these had in each year been 
placed on the Indentures. As every boy who reached 
the age of eighteen without being in this list had to 
leave Eton, it might easily happen that a boy who 
entered College rather late would fail to have any 
opportunity of standing for a Scholarship ; especially 


in days when the position of the boys during their 
school career was seldom or never altered by the test of 
examination. This was actually the case with William 
Hardisty, who was excluded from the election trials in 
July 1837 because he was not among the first thirteen 
Collegers. The Visitor decided that Hardisty, though 
already eighteen years of age, should be examined in 
1838. He does not seem to have laid down any general 
rule for the future ; but about this time the practice of 
admitting to examination every boy who had reached his 
seventeenth year must have begun. In the earlier years 
of the century the examination had been a mere form. 
No one was plucked, and there was no changing of 
places. But in 1819 a rumour spread among the boys 
that all this was to be altered, and two years later the 
rumour was found to be true. The fact was that one 
of the Posers, John Lucius Dampier, a barrister, had 
determined to put an end to what he rightly thought 
to be a scandal ; and he had the support of his colleague 
John Tomkyns. The latter was a man of varied experi- 
ence, for he had served in the Peninsular War, he was 
afterwards a banister, and finally he held a College 
Living. If, as we are assured on good authority, boys 
had sometimes got to King's who never did a verse or a 
theme of their own while at Eton, and who could not 
construe ten lines of Virgil without a dictionary, 
Dampier's reforms did not come too soon. 

Some light is thrown on undergraduate life at King's 
during the later years of Provost Thackeray by the 
letters of two distinguished Kingsmen, Rowland 
Williams and William Johnson. Williams was five 
or six years senior to Johnson, being admitted Scholar 
on November 11, 1836, just before Simeon's death. 


He was not wholly satisfied with the state of things 
which he found there, and writes home : 

"My greatest difficulty at King's will be to keep up 
religious feelings. A certain party in the College is such 
as to throw everything into extremes, and it is difficult to 
avoid being either a fanatic or a profligate." 

Evidently Simeon had failed to create a school in which 
the more intellectual men could feel themselves at home ; 
and seven years later Johnson had to go outside his own 
College to find men " much more thoughtful than the 
team of King's Scholars'" in which he "ran""; men 
whose conversation was really useful and stimulating, 
though he felt it to be perilous from the " untheological 
and in plain truth irreligious opinions'" which were 
prevalent among them. 

In his picture of College life Rowland Williams has 
a good deal to say about wine parties. At first he 
determined to go to them, but not to stay beyond 
6 P.M. (the hour of dinner being then 4.30 P.M.), except 
when he gave a party himself, which would not be 
more than three times in the Term. " A reading man, 1 ' 
he says, "is allowed to leave after the first hour." 
However, he very soon found that it was not so easy to 
leave early, and made up his mind to do without wine, 
or at any rate not to frequent King's parties. He was 
evidently a hard worker, but no recluse : 

" I am learning Hebrew/' he writes to his father, 
" according to your wish ; we have Mathematical Lectures 
twice a week, four days in Classics. The Lectures and 
Chapels cut up the time like mincemeat. Our examina- 
tions cannot be much stricter than they have been for some 
years, but we are now to have degree Examinations in addi- 


tion to others. I read every day till one or sometimes two 
o'clock ; take my aspen stick of huge bulk, and begin 
moving for upwards of an hour out of Cambridge as fast as 
I can. I then move back. I dine at 4.30 P.M., read at 6, 
get generally three hours of the rest of the evening. 

" We have had four or five days' skating. There is such 
a difficulty in varying the monotonous walking that any 
novelty of a kind such as this is quite an event." 

The next winter, when under examination in the Senate 
House, he recognises a fellow skater : 

" I found with a mixture of horror and amusement that 
three days before I had been playing at hockey on the ice 
with the Vice Chancellor ! ! to say nothing of talking to 
him just as if he had been an Eton fellow." 

By degrees Williams'^ life became less monotonous, 
for his friend Essington says : 

"We played fives when we were undergraduates, and 
went to the Union together, where Rowland was a leading 
speaker on the Conservative side ; and as Fellows we used 
(of course quite by chance) to fall in with Mr. Allix's 
harriers in the fen country by Little Wilbraham, or the 
Cambridgeshire at Madingley or Babraham. On these 
occasions he soon left us behind, and every one except the 
rider regarded with apprehension the heels of the brown 
thorough-bred, which Rowland Williams was fond of 
praising, though he seemed to us to be a stubborn and 
dangerous stallion." 

The year 1838 saw the beginning of King's boating, 
and Williams shared the office of steerer with John 
Hawtrey. The Provost did not approve of it, and 
threatened impositions whenever the boat interfered 
with attendance at Chapel. But a more serious diffi- 


culty must have arisen, when, in February 1844, the 
number of Scholars actually sank to four, two having 
been elected in 1841 and two in 1842, but none since 
that year. However, in April 1845, a boat was manned 
after a fashion, and Johnson, who himself rowed, de- 
scribes its success : 

" We have achieved a complete conquest over the unkind 
prejudices of our elders in the College, who at first threw 
some cold and not very clean water on the project of the 
revival of the boat club. . . . We had to start last but one, 
because we had so recently entered. ... In about 200 
yards one might infer from the noises that we were close 
upon the quarters of the Emmanuel boat. Going round a 
corner, with not light enough to steer by, we found our 
oars digging into the sedge, and the boat going one-sided ; 
one or two lookers-on holloaing to our steerer (a very young 
and marvellously coolheaded being) to steer out. Luckily 
he disobeyed, and persisted in making for their inside ; so 
in a few strokes more we were bumping them most deci- 
sively, and stopped and hoisted our flag, having not had 
enough work to give us a breathing the Emmanuel eight 
looking sulky at being caught so early by a six-oar." 

Rowland Williams gained the Battie Scholarship in 
1838, and writes home that : 

" my dignity is manifoldly increased by my becoming for 
seven years the owner of an estate, or landed property, or 
in other words of a little farm with a tenant too ! ! ! who 
signs himself ' your umbal servant J. J.' " 

He was ordained in October 1842, and it is satisfac- 
tory to learn that : 

" there were six Kingsmen, all of whom satisfied the Bishop 
[of Lincoln] in their first day's examination, so as to make 


it unnecessary to keep us longer. He told us that no set 
of men came to him so well prepared ; and his Chaplain, 
Mr. Jeremie, said they now did as well as they once did 

Williams had already begun work as Classical Tutor at 
King's, and two years later was pointed out to a Fresh- 
man as the only great Aristotelian lecturer in Cambridge. 
He held this post till 1850, and would probably have 
continued to reside if he had succeeded in gaining the 
Public Oratorship in 1848, when Bateson was elected. 
As it was, he consoled himself with knowing that, leav- 
ing King's and St. John's out of account, he had received 
most votes ; and he accepted the posts of Vice-Principal 
and Hebrew Professor at Lampeter College. It is un- 
necessary to pursue his later career, which was full of 
theological controversy, culminating in a prosecution 
before the Court of Arches and an appeal to the Privy 
Council in 1863 and 1864. Even before this last crisis 
his published writings had brought him into collision 
with more than one Bishop. But there was another 
side to his life. From 1859 till his death in 1870 he 
was Vicar of Broadchalke, a Wiltshire country parish, 
which had long suffered from a non-resident Vicar. 
Williams made himself the friend as well as the pastor 
of his parishioners, and his devotion was repaid by their 
gratitude and affection. Possibly his reputation for 
combativeness may have increased their respect for him. 
On one occasion when the Provost and Bursar, on a 
College circuit, were on the road between Salisbury and 
Broadchalke, their driver pointed to the distant figure 
of the Vicar riding over the downs, and said : " That's 
him as tackled the Bishop." Williams was a man not 
quite happy unless he was "tackling" somebody or 


something. But his wars were all waged on what to the 
Wiltshire peasants was foreign ground. Within his 
own parish there was peace. 

William Johnson was the first Kingsman to gain the 
Chancellor's prize for an English poem ; he was rather 
shocked at beating Maine, but observes that, when the 
exercise was forgotten, it would be pleasant to have his 
name in a list which contained those of Macaulay, 
Praed, and Tennyson ; and he lived to publish a small 
volume of poetry, which fully justified the verdict of the 
University Examiners. In 1844 he became Craven 

" I really believe/' he writes, " that no one is dis- 
appointed, i.e., no one but Thring has not some other 
chance of high distinction, and he was told by one who 
could tell him only to expect the second place. I have by 
one small and one large supper, at great but unavoidable 
expense, got over that part of the consequences of my 
election, which my acquaintance here expect as their 

He valued his own success chiefly because it set him 
free for wider reading ; and when invited by the Head- 
master of Eton, in 1845, to take a Mastership, he says : 

(t If Hawtrey would but let me alone a little while 
longer, I would come to his great verse-mill almost a 
learned man, instead of a smatterer. But see if I don't 
make the smaller fry at Eton write me holiday essays about 
St. Louis or Simon de Montfort or Charlemagne." 

His first experience of the noise of 200 boys and four 
Masters in the Upper School at Eton was a little dis- 


"I found myself bellowing to forty-five book-bearing 
bipeds, of whom I found one to be an intelligent being and 
expect to discover more." 

But those who know Eton know that his force and 
originality soon made him the foremost of Eton Tutors. 
To be a pupil of Johnson was, in itself, almost a 

The Headmaster of whom Johnson speaks was one 
of a long line of Kingsmen, who in succession held 
that office. Edward Barnard had formed the one 
exception in the eighteenth century ; and since 1802 the 
courtly Goodall, the strenuous Keate, the accomplished 
Hawtrey had all been Fellows of King's ; and they were 
to be followed by Goodford, most indefatigable and, in 
spite of appearances, most wide awake of Headmasters, 
and by Balston, to know whom produced the same 
beneficial effect on manners which, according to the 
well-worn couplet, is gained by a thorough training in 
"ingenuae artes." And, of these, Hawtrey had the 
longest connection with King's, for he held a College 
Living till after he became Provost of Eton. Even as 
an Undergraduate he had shown his genuine love of 
books. In a letter which he wrote when Provost of 
Eton, in 1857, he recalls an incident of the year 1807 : 

" In the first week of my Scholarship at King's, having 
then a monomania for Oriental Philology,, I explored the 
old King's Library in that portion of it, which contained 
the Hebrew Bibles. I found it stated in the list of Books, 
which used then to be pasted on each case (a very good 
custom), that there was in that case a copy of the Com- 
plutensian Polyglot, a book which I had never seen. I 
looked in vain for it, and supposed that some unknown 
Hebraist among the Seniors was consulting it. 1 was, 


until my own rooms were fit to receive me, a guest of the 
Provost (Sumner), and on the same evening I told him of 
my search and of its result." 

It turned out, however, that it must have been stolen ; 
and that very evening Hawtrey had resolved, if ever he 
could do so, to fill up the place with another copy. 
And now, fifty years later, he tells Provost Okes that 
his intention was fulfilled. He had become possessed of 
a copy ; only he wished to keep the six volumes till his 
death. He seems, in 1857, to have dreaded the results 
of the Commission ; for he inscribed in the first volume 
a note that it was 

" p,vr)fjt,6o-vvov amic&bilis concordiae inter regalia haec Col- 
legia nondum dissolutae et, ut ex animo sperat, nullis 
factiosorum hominum simultatibus dissolvendae." 

But perhaps he had in his mind a snub which he had 
himself received from the College in 1827. He had been 
appointed College Preacher for March 25 of that year ; 
and he had sent an excuse, apparently at the last 
moment, pleading, no doubt, his engagements as an Eton 
Master. Thereupon the College resolved : 

" That Mr. Gee be directed to write to Mr. Hawtrey a 
Letter expressive of the dissatisfaction of the College on 
account of his non attendance to preach in the Chapel and 
inform him that his excuse is deemed inadmissible ; inas- 
much as his absence from College is altogether an indul- 
gence and the duties which he considers to be imposed on 
him by any other engagement cannot be allowed to inter- 
fere with the paramount duty which he owes to his own 
College. That Mr. Hawtrey pay as a fine <6 6s., and that 
he be appointed Preacher on the 25th March, 1828." 


In the sequel, however, he was excused from preach- 
ing ; and he seems to have made his peace by a present 
of maps to the College Library. 

Edward Thring, of whom Johnson speaks as a disap- 
pointed candidate for the Craven Scholarship, had to 
content himself with the Person Prize. But, if his 
undergraduate career was not brilliant, he has the rare 
distinction of being the maker of a great public school. 
His life at Uppingham from 1853 to 1887 has lately 
been described by Mr. G. R. Parkin, and we are now 
better able to measure the greatness of his work there ; 
the difficulties with which he had to contend in an 
obstructive body of Trustees, and in the debt which he 
had contracted in order to carry out his theories. For 
he was determined to prove that it is possible, even in 
an English public school, to do full justice to each 
individual boy, and to train the character and the 
intellect, such as -it is, even of the most stupid and 

Tin-ing's first appearance, as Fellow, at a College 
meeting was on May 29, 1846, when the Society had 
been alarmed by a strange rumour. The Visitor had 
written to say that the new Bishop of Oxford, Samuel 
Wilberforce, desired to obtain a clause in an Act of 
Parliament, which would transfer the Visitorship of 
King's College from Lincoln to Oxford. This roused 
the Kingsmen to declare that they had sworn obedience 
to the Bishop of Lincoln, and could not break their 
oath ; moreover, that it was highly objectionable that a 
Bishop of Oxford should exercise jurisdiction over any 
College in Cambridge. Bishop Wilberforce soon wrote 
to assure them that he had never " entertained the 
faintest wish to occupy the post of Visitor in King's 


College."" His eloquent addresses had already gained 
him a position of influence at Eton; and he may 
have hoped that, as he did the work of a Bishop there, 
so he might enjoy the honour of being Visitor of the 
great school which now lay within his own diocese. It 
was not so likely that he would be anxious to act as 
umpire in the quarrels of a distant College belonging to 
the rival University. 

Yet seven years later, on the death of Bishop Kaye, 
Bishop Wilberforce again raised the same question ; 
and in a letter addressed to the Provost of Eton argued 
that, Eton being within his own diocese, he was now 
actual and legal Visitor of that College. About King's 
College he spoke with less confidence ; but he was of 
opinion that this College also had been transferred, 
together with Eton, from the diocese of Lincoln to 
that of Oxford, and was therefore now under his care. 
Sir John Patteson, who was consulted, suggested a 
method of settling the question as far as Eton was con- 
cerned. As to King's College, he held that nothing 
short of an Act of Parliament could transfer the Visitor- 
ship of that College from Lincoln to Oxford. Bishop 
Wilberforce acquiesced in this view ; and the Statutes 
of 1882 have once more declared the Bishop of Lincoln 
to be Visitor of King's College. 



THE establishment of the Classical Tripos in 1824 had 
made it clear to some members of the Society that 
their exemption from University examinations was a 
restriction rather than a privilege. An anonymous 
pamphlet, which bears no date, but which is shown by 
internal evidence to have been written by a Kingsman, 
or possibly by a knot of Kingsmen, about 1837, argues 
that this exemption was contrary to the Founder's 
intention ; and that the growth of the University, 
together with the encouragement given to classical 
studies by the establishment of a Tripos, had increased 
the competition for the University Scholarships, thereby 
diminishing the probability that Kingsmen would come 
to the front. In point of fact, since 1827 no Kingsman 
had gained a University Scholarship. The force of this 
last argument was somewhat weakened by the success 
of Rowland Williams and Edward Balston in 1838 and 
1839; and nothing came of a protest which, though 
powerful, was premature. Nearly ten years later, in 
1846 and 1848, Edward Thring circulated two pam- 
phlets on the same subject. These are written in a 
lighter vein than that of the anonymous author, but 
the general line of argument is the same. Thring 
points to the example set by the members of New 


College, who had already surrendered their correspond- 
ing privilege at Oxford; and, like the earlier writer, 
he is at pains to remove an objection which evidently 
weighed with the College authorities, viz., that the 
mathematical test required by the University would 
force Kingsmen to devote their time to a subject which 
was to them distasteful and almost degrading. 

But the Provost had set his face against the move- 
ment ; and it was not till his death in the autumn of 
1850 that anything could be done. The appointment 
of Richard Okes, Lower Master of Eton, to the Provost- 
ship in November of that year, gave the opportunity, 
which had been secured to Eton ten years earlier, when 
Francis Hodgson became Provost. Reform was now 
possible ; and when Okes, accompanied by Harry Dupuis, 
who had been supported by a minority of the Fellows 
in the recent election to the Provostship, went to 
London to be instituted by the Visitor, Bishop Kaye 
took the opportunity to impress on the new Provost 
the duty of facing this question. Ten years before, so 
he said, he had received a petition from Fellows of the 
College asking him to intervene. The petition was 
informal, and he could do nothing ; but he had looked 
into the subject and satisfied himself that the practice 
of the College had no real warrant in the Statutes. 
The advice fell on willing ears. Even as a boy Okes 
had heard something of the same kind. For, just after 
he had been elected an Eton Scholar, he met an old 
Fellow of Trinity in the streets of Cambridge, a friend 
of his own father's, who said to him : 

" Now you have begun your career; you'll become a Fellow 
of King's in time and, I hope, Provost. If you do, mind that 
you get rid of the exemption from Degree examinations." 


A meeting of Seniors and Officers on March 25, 1851, 
agreed to surrender the old privilege and to lay the 
question before the whole body of Fellows on the 
following first of May. In the interval the Provost 
circulated a memorandum, in which he pointed out 
that the privilege rested on no solid basis, and that the 
University might at any time refuse the B.A. degree to 
a Kingsman ; in which case the Visitor would certainly 
reject any appeal made to him. He did not fail to add 
that the true interests of education in the College called 
for this change. 

On May 1 it was unanimously agreed 

" that the present practice of claiming for the undergradu- 
ates of this College the degree of B.A. in the Senate 
House without passing the Examinations required by the 
University be abandoned." 

Some of the 34 Fellows present must have stared at 
one another in surprise that no one was found to defend 
the old monopoly, and that the impossible was at last 
accomplished with such ease. The document of 
surrender was sealed and sent to the Vice-Chancellor, 
Dr. Corrie, Master of Jesus. He does not seem to have 
acted in a hurry, for it was not till November 26 that a 
Syndicate was appointed, whose report was confirmed by 
the Senate on February 18, 1852. By this final settle- 
ment every one admitted to a King's Scholarship after 
May 1, 1851, was obliged to pass a Degree Examina- 
tion. For Scholars of older standing the Examination 
was optional. 

This auspicious opening of the new Provostship was 
somewhat overclouded by a controversy in the autumn 
of 1854, when at the annual election of officers the 
Provost used his veto to prevent the election of a Vice- 


Provost and Bursar supported by a small majority of 
the Fellows. The disappointed party did not accept 
their defeat without sending a batch of petitions and 
appeals to the Visitor. There was nothing against the 
character of these two candidates; but the physical 
infirmities of one were such as made the Provost's 
objection reasonable ; and in the case of the other, who 
had been chosen as Bursar, the Provost doubted his 
financial capacity, and considered the fact that he had 
long been a non-resident to be a disqualification. The 
appeal which seems to have given the Visitor most 
trouble was one sent by a B.A. Fellow," Charles 
Caldecott James, now Rector of Wortham, who was the 
first Kingsman to take advantage of the recent settle- 
ment, and had gained a high place in the Classical 
Tripos of 1853. The point which he urged was that 
the election of Bursars was invalid, because one of the 
Deans who happened not to be a Senior Fellow had not 
been summoned to take part in the election. It 
was difficult to deny that the Statutes conferred this 
right on the Deans ; but long custom had confined it, 
in the first instance, to the actual Seniors ; the proba- 
bility being that the Founder had never contemplated 
the election of a Junior to the office of Dean. The 
Visitor admitted the difficulty, but declined to interfere, 
on the ground that a Bill was already before Parliament 
which would enable the Colleges to amend their own 

The presence of the Dean at the meeting of Seniors 
would have made no practical difference on this occasion ; 
and the Provost had only exercised what was his 
undoubted prerogative. Yet the dissatisfaction which 
naturally follows the use of a veto, together with the 


detection of a flaw in the Statutes, which made it 
difficult to interpret them consistently, probably helped 
to prepare the minds of the Fellows for a second revolu- 
tion, which was soon to follow. 

Meanwhile the new stimulus to industry was produc- 
ing a silent and gradual change in the habits of the 
College ; but it must be remembered that, even in the 
case of those who came under the new rule, the election 
to a Fellowship preceded the Tripos Examination, and 
a high place in the Tripos list was therefore of less 
importance to a Kingsman than to members of other 
Colleges. William Green, now Rector of Hepworth, 
was the first Scholar obliged to pass a Degree Examina- 
tion, and he set a good example by being bracketed 
second Classic in 1855. Of course, when he began 
residence, he found among his older contemporaries 
some who did not imitate Charles James in volunteering 
for a Tripos ; and he tells us that, though the College 
Lectures were good, yet 

te a room filled with undergraduates of three different years, 
who had no University Examination to work up to, and 
though intelligent were of very various tastes, was hard to 
deal with. Attendance was pretty strictly enforced : we 
had two Lectures on every day but one, and one on that 
day. But for attention that was a different matter. 
Mathematics in King's before 1851, one might describe as 
an Unknown quantity, small, that might be neglected. 
Hardly any of us had received any mathematical teaching 
at Eton. No Lecturer could have done much with such 
a class. Our Lecturer had before him a set of youths 
knowing next to nothing of the subject, and not caring to 
learn anything." 

Mr. Green describes the social life of his days as that 


of a family rather than a College, without much inter- 
course with men of other Colleges. 

" As a rule we worked, played, dined and wined together, 
with little admixture of non-Etonian. Pleasantly and 
sociably; and probably the absence of stimulus to work 
made some of us more convivial than was good for our own 
persons or our fathers' purses. But King's parties were 
very seldom large, uproarious, or rowdy. The Junior 
Combination was an established institution; it met after 
Hall (which was at 5 P.M.) every evening, if there was a 
quorum of three ; turn by turn each Scholar was host. 
Now and then a Scholar entertained friends in his room at 
a ' wine/ More evenings than not, a Scholar went either 
to Junior Combination or to a friend's wine. No doubt 
more wine was drunk than need have been ; some nonsense 
was talked, but some sense likewise. To much I look back 
as not only pleasant, but far from unprofitable. Symposia 
were at times even Platonic and literary. ... I sometimes 
think there is among undergraduates more trifling and 
childishness, less manliness than forty years since. Students 
are over-guided, and so fail to get the self-reliance won by 
those who had to work out their own success." 

Mr. Green has also a good word to say for the Dons 
of his time. 

"As Fellow during 1855-1857 I was thrown more with 
my seniors, with some who were considerably older. I 
met them in the Combination Room continually. No 
doubt Eton Masterships drained away some of our best 
men ; and others of energy sought fields of work elsewhere, 
in the Church, Law, Literature. But with regard to those 
who remained in College, I think harsh judgments have 
been formed. There were among them men of learning, 
taste, and culture; there were men who helped and 


encouraged the younger generation ; there were men who 
conscientiously and diligently managed the College estates 
and business. Even some, whom we youngsters in our 
conceit put down as old fogies, had done some useful work 
in times past. The family life, if narrowing, was pleasant. 
Enlargement and cosmopolitanism are not attained without 
some sacrifices. Loosening of bonds there must be, and 
some liked the bonds and close union." 

The Provost, like his predecessor Thackeray, had the 
misfortune to lose his wife not many years after his 
election. Notwithstanding this grievous loss he con- 
tinued to shew towards his own Scholars a hospitality 
which in those days was not expected of a College 
Head. And these meetings at the Lodge must be 
reckoned among the humanising influences which helped 
to train more than one generation of Kingsmen. 

In July 1856 an Act of Parliament was passed, and 
Commissioners were appointed, for promoting reforms 
in the University and Colleges of Cambridge. The 
Commissioners began by laying down certain principles 
of reform, on some of which, as the sequel shewed, they 
were not prepared to insist. The next four or five years 
were occupied by the efforts of the Colleges to reform 
themselves, and the new Statutes for King's College did 
not finally become law till the spring of 1861. Great 
pains were taken to ascertain the views of each indi- 
vidual Fellow, and by repeated discussions to arrive at 
the matured judgment of the majority. There were 
two important subjects in which a radical change was 
made. The Provost had hitherto possessed the sole 
power of initiating legislation, and also an absolute veto. 
He now lost both initiative and veto ; the latter not 
without a struggle, for the Committee who made 


the first draft of the new Statutes had desired to 
preserve it. The Seniors too were deprived of their old 
monopoly of government; but they retained a larger 
dividend and the right to dine at a separate table. 
These privileges, however, were not continued to persons 
admitted to the College under the new Statutes. All 
legislative power passed into the hands of the M.A. 
Fellows, including, of course, those who had taken a 
higher degree; and the B.A. Fellows lost even the small 
share of government which they had enjoyed under the 
old Statutes. 

Still more striking, at least to the outer world, was 
the change in the constitution of the Society itself. 
Instead of a body of seventy Etonians, in which the pro- 
portion of Fellows to Scholars fluctuated as the number 
of deaths, marriages, and vacancies in Livings varied, 
there was to be a fixed number of forty-six Fellows and 
forty-eight Scholars. All obligation to take Holy 
Orders was removed, but the Fellows of the future were 
not to enjoy the emoluments of a Senior Fellowship. 
Of the Scholarships twenty-four were reserved for Eton, 
and the rest thrown open. Care was taken that both 
in emoluments and in the length of tenure the Eton 
Scholarships should be of such a value as to be attrac- 
tive to the best scholars at Eton, although the certainty 
of succession to a Fellowship had disappeared. It was 
at first intended that the College might, if they 
pleased, elect any Members of the University to Fellow- 
ships. But Eton College protested strongly against 
this provision, as inflicting an unnecessary injury on 
Eton boys. They also objected on the same grounds 
to any diminution in the number of Fellowships ; but 
on this point their protest was unsuccessful ; and, indeed, 


the finances of the College were somewhat strained to 
furnish as many as forty-six Fellowships, when provision 
had been made for the increase in the value and number 
of the Scholarships. 

The alterations in the government and constitution of 
the Society proposed by the College were acceptable to 
the Commissioners, who complimented the members of 
King's on their liberality ; but in two or three respects 
the College were not to be won over by compliments to 
the Commissioners' views. They would not hear of 
terminable Fellowships, and all that they could consent 
to do in favour of matrimony was to allow a married 
Fellow a year of grace : a privilege which had hitherto 
been confined to Fellows taking a College Living, in 
whose case it was more appropriate, since after marriage 
there is no " locus pcenitentiae." 

Such was the settlement, not destined to last very 
long, but of great importance in the history of the 
College. It was inevitable that questions should arise 
about vested interests ; and in the first place it had to 
be settled what rights should be secured to existing 
Scholars and to Eton boys already on the Indentures 
for King's. An appeal to the Visitor resulted in his 
ordering that all vacancies in the Fellowships occurring 
before the July election of 1861 should be treated as 
actual vacancies in the old body of seventy and be filled 
by the admission of Collegers from Eton. To one boy 
this made the difference of his becoming a Scholar of 
King's, instead of going to Oxford, where he had already 
matriculated ; and his services to the College in after 
years have certainly repaid any debt which he owed for 
this benefit. In the case of another boy, it produced 
the curious result that he was twice admitted to his 


King^s Scholarship, first under the new system in 
October 1861, and then, after the Visitor^ award, under 
the old system in February 1862. 

The Statutes, as originally drafted, had made no 
special provision for those who held Scholarships at the 
time when the Statutes became law. The Scholars 
presented a petition to the Privy Council, and an 
amended Statute secured to them and also to the two 
Scholars mentioned above the old privilege of succeeding 
to a Fellowship after three years of probation. Every- 
thing, in fact, was eventually arranged so as to prevent 
the period of transition from bearing hardly on in- 


" A little flock we were in Henry's hall 

* * * * * 

Hardly the circle widened, till one day 
The guarded gate swung open wide to all." 

BEFORE the College could fairly start on its new 
career, it was necessary to reduce the number of Fellow- 
ships to forty-six, and to fill up the whole number 
of twenty-four Eton Scholarships. It was easily arranged 
that every alternate vacancy in the Fellowships should 
be allowed to lapse ; but the question of the number of 
Eton Scholarships to be offered in each year furnished 
not unfrequently a battlefield to the two parties in the 
College. There were those who were anxious, possibly 
over-anxious, to hasten the time when Open Scholarships 
could be offered; and others who were constantly 
haunted by fears lest their dividends should be reduced 
by a forward policy. The controversy is of too recent 
a date to be told in detail ; but it may be said generally 
that the College owes much to the patrotism of its non- 
resident Fellows, who, sometimes at great inconvenience, 
attended the meetings at which critical questions were 
to be settled. Among these none were more prominent 
than William Johnson, whose spirited counsels and 
fearlessness of speech were often invaluable ; while, of 
the residents, Henry Bradshaw, who became University 
Librarian in 1867, possessing as he did in great measure 

NEW [KING'S 283 

the confidence of both parties, was able to maintain 
views which would have been most unpalatable if they 
had been advanced by some hot-headed junior. 

The life of Henry Bradshaw has been well and fully 
told by a former Tutor of King's, G. W. Prothero, who 
was afterwards Professor of History at Edinburgh. In 
his own department of knowledge Bradshaw was 
perhaps the foremost man of his day ; and, in addition 
to this, he did more than any other resident to influence 
the character and form the habits of many generations 
of young Kingsmen. Though his scholarship did not 
secure him a high degree, yet his originality and 
devotion to letters soon raised him far higher than any 
Tripos could have done; and in particular his know- 
ledge of the first half-century of printing, and of early 
printed books, was probably unrivalled. But this was 
not all. If any one wished to know the age or history 
of a MS., he was the person to consult, and he was 
seldom consulted in vain. The binding of a book or its 
title-page seemed to tell him more than the contents of 
it did to an ordinary reader. He was tolerant of every- 
thing except affectation ; and if it was a characteristic 
of the Kingsmen of his day to covet wisdom more than 
the reputation of being wise, and to be more afraid of 
becoming prigs than of remaining Philistines, this was 
in no small degree due to Bradshaw's influence. In 
spite of his shyness and indifference to the out-door 
pursuits of Undergraduates, there was a charm in him 
which to most young men was irresistible. Nor was it 
by any means only the most studious or the most 
virtuous who were attracted within that circle, where 
you might talk confidentially to your host, or read 
silently at the same table ; a circle, which was some- 


times conversational, sometimes musical, but always 
homelike. Rather brusque in his manners and occasion- 
ally downright and even personal in his remarks, he had 
a fund of unselfish sympathy which seemed inexhaustible. 
And this unselfishness was as characteristic of his official 
as of his private life. Other men wrote books; he 
supplied them with the materials. The College happily 
possesses a portrait of him by H. Herkomer, R. A., who, 
while engaged on another work at Cambridge, happened 
to be Bradshaw^s guest. He could not fail to appreciate 
his host, and for his own satisfaction made a sketch of 
what was certainly a noble head. In after days he gave 
it to the College, where it now hangs in the Hall. It 
was right that the portrait of such a man should have 
been a labour of love, and that it should be a free gift 
from one of Bradshaw's many friends. 

It was not till 1873 that an Open Scholarship was 
offered; and in the same year a non-Etonian was for 
the first time elected to a Fellowship. The liberality 
of William Johnson had enabled the College to elect 
two Exhibitioners in 1865. Even this step had met 
with some opposition ; and it was quite an epoch in the 
College history when Mr. Witt, now a Q.C., carried a 
resolution to the effect : 

" That Mr. Johnson's offer be accepted with the thanks 
of the College ; that the first Examination be held at 
Easter 1865, and that Pensioners be admitted in October 

The decision to admit Pensioners entailed the necessity 
of fixing a standard ; and care was taken that only 
candidates for Honours should enter the College. As 
yet there was no Tutor ; and so unused had the Society 


become to such an officer that some of the Fellows 

wished the duties of a Tutor to be performed by one of 

the Deans. But on November 28, 1865, it was decided 

that a Tutor should be appointed. The appointment 

rested with a small Board, called the Educational 

Council, and here the consent of the Provost was still 

necessary. William Ralph Churton became the first 

Tutor under the new system ; and though he held the 

office only two years, yet much of the work inseparable 

from a new start fell on his shoulders. The number of 

Lecturers, the amount of fees, the Examinations to be 

passed, were among the subjects with which he had to 

deal; and it required all his patience and all his 

unselfishness to disarm opposition, and to secure a fair 

field for the new venture. Progress was very slow. 

Perhaps the public could not believe that King's was 

really open, especially as no Scholarships were offered ; 

perhaps there was some dread of Eton exclusiveness, or 

some fear of an examination which professed to aim at a 

high standard. 

Before 1873 the largest number of Freshmen in any 
one year was nine. In 1876 the number rose to twenty, 
and in 1879 it reached thirty. Ten years later, in 
1889, there were about ninety Undergraduates, exclusive 
of Questionists. The largest entries hitherto have been 
in the years 1894 and 1897, when forty-five and forty- 
eight men were admitted to the College. 

The prospect of Pensioners also awoke the desire for 
additional buildings, and the first practical measure 
adopted was the purchase of Mr. Cory's house from his 
executors. This house stood between King's Lane and 
the south-east corner of Wilkins's Building, and was 
bought in November 1869 for ^4000. The next year 


a loan of ^6000 was sanctioned, and on May 30, 1871, 
a design submitted by Sir G. G. Scott, for a range of 
building fronting Trumpington Street and abutting on 
Wilkins's Building, was approved. Part of the money 
used for this addition came from the residue of a legacy 
bequeathed by a Senior Fellow, Walter Chetwynd, for a 
similar purpose. The College gained twelve sets of 
rooms for Undergraduates ; the town lost a picturesque 
bailing by the demolition of Mr. Cory's house, but 
the street was improved by the addition of space and 
light. Scott's Building, as seen from Bene't Street, 
presents rather an imposing appearance, besides pos- 
sessing the rare merit of having two niches which are 
not empty. 

Five years later some small houses in King's Lane 
were converted into College rooms ; and about the same 
time a more ambitious scheme began to occupy the 
attention of the College. A proposal for buying the 
Bull Hotel had been mooted in 1870 ; in 1876 it was 
seriously prosecuted. At the same time a rival plan of 
extension, by substituting a range of building for 
Wilkins's Screen and completing the east side of the 
Court, was pushed forward ; and in February 1877 it 
was resolved to invite three architects to send in designs 
for a building the cost of which should not exceed 
,35,000. Designs were accordingly furnished by Sir 
G. G. Scott, Mr. Street, and Mr. Burges; they still 
remain castles in the air, for neither of the two plans 
contemplated by the College was destined to be accom- 
plished. The negotiations for the purchase of the Bull 
were stopped by the veto of the Copyhold Commis- 
sioners ; and when it came to the critical point, the 
majority which had hitherto supported the plan for 

From a photograph by] [J. Palmer Clarke, Cambridge 



building on the Screen site disappeared. This was in 
June 1878. One more effort was possible. The Uni- 
versities Act of 1877 encouraged the union of Colleges; 
and in the winter of 1879 King's College made overtures 
to their neighbour St. Catherine. This was almost a 
counsel of despair ; and though the conferences held by 
representatives of both Colleges seemed at one time to 
promise a favourable result, yet eventually the smaller 
Foundation shrank from a union which looked too much 
like an absorption. 

The College finances were by this time in a less 
flourishing condition ; however, in the autumn of 1883, 
Mr. Fawcett was commissioned to build a Lecture 
Room and a few sets of chambers opposite Scott's 
Building, and on the west side of the Chetwynd Court. 
It is remarkable how long the College had managed to 
exist without Lecture Rooms. In early days the 
Chapel and Hall had served the purpose ; and even as 
late as the nineteenth century Fellows had lectured in 
their own rooms. It can hardly be said that Wilkins 
had provided a Lecture Room, though he built a room, 
long, narrow, and dark, in which lectures were in fact 
delivered. But it was not meant for this purpose, and 
was called by Wilkins a "Muniment Room." From 
time to time one or more sets of rooms were either 
fitted up temporarily, or permanently converted into 
Lecture Rooms ; some people taught in Hall, and some 
in the College Library. At last in the Chetwynd Court 
a room was actually built for the purpose ; and on the 
evening of October 13, 1885, Dr. Westcott, one of the 
great and good men whom the College had fortunately 
been able to secure as Professorial Fellows, delivered an 
inaugural Lecture on Provost Whichcote. Since that 



time one more Lecture Room has been added by the 
appropriation of the back drawing-room of the Provost's 
Lodge, which had in Dr. Thackeray's days been used by 
the College as its Audit Room ; and about the same 
time, in 1889 and the following years, an important 
extension of the College was accomplished, when two 
wings of a three-sided Court designed by Mr. Bodley, 
and built of Lincolnshire stone, were erected on what 
had been the kitchen garden of the Lodge. The 
College thereby acquired forty-six sets of rooms at a 
cost of nearly ^30,000. The result is so attractive 
both to those who occupy the building and to those 
who view it from the outside, that it is doubtful 
whether a future generation will have the courage to 
add a third wing, and run the risk of spoiling the two 
which already exist. 

On April 22, 1879, there was a great gathering of 
old Kingsmen to celebrate the completion of two works 
of art within the College. Ten years earlier, F. E. Stacey, 
a former Fellow, had offered to fill the west window of 
the Chapel with stained glass. The offer was accepted, 
but the first design brought before the College was not 
approved, so that Messrs. Clayton and Bell could not 
begin their work before 1873. The opportunity was a 
grand one ; and both Mr. Stacey and the College felt 
the importance of giving the artists time to exert 
themselves to the utmost. 

Our benefactor, Mr. Davidson, among his many 
donations to the College, had in 1826 given 700 for a 
" statue of the Founder and a handsome fountain." By 
the end of 1872 this sum had grown to 3360, an 
amount considered sufficient for the purpose ; and in 
the following November it was resolved to have a 


" bronze figure upon a base out of which a fountain or 
conduit should flow," to be placed in the centre of the 
East Lawn. Some members of the College wished 
Mr. Foley to be the sculptor, but the majority preferred 
Mr. Armstead. A letter from him to the Bursar, 
May 10, 1877, describes the progress of his work. He 
had made alterations in the figure of the Founder, who 
was now represented as " gently offering the charter " ; 
and, upon a suggestion of Provost Okes, he had changed 
a pavement, which was ill suited for the reception of 
water, into an outer basin. Two reliefs of an Eton 
Colleger and a Fellow of King's had disappeared ; and 
the two large figures of Philosophy and Religion were 
already on view at the Royal Academy. Unfortunately 
Portland stone was used, instead of granite, for the 
basin ; and the action of frost and water has been fatal 
to this part of the work, as well as to the base of the 
main structure. 

For the festival service in Chapel on this occasion the 
Choir was reinforced by a few men's voices ; but no such 
aid was necessary for the boys, who were now much 
more efficient than had been the case with choristers of 
former years. As long ago as June 11, 1862, attention 
had been called to the unsatisfactory state of the Musical 
Service, and the Precentor and Organist had been desired 
to exert themselves for its improvement ; but one great 
difficulty lay in the fact that the Lay Clerks did double 
duty, singing both at Trinity and at King's. Mr. 
Brocklebank, who moved in the matter, had always 
taken a keen interest both in the history of the Chapel 
and in the conduct of the Services. But his time was 
engrossed with Bursarial duties, and it was impossible 
even for him to be everywhere and to see to everything. 



So things went on much as before till 1869, when 
another effort was made, and a Committee reported on 
the reforms which were necessary. The report was 
agreed to, but it remained a dead letter till 1871, when 
the determination of Trinity College to have a separate 
staff of Lay Clerks forced the hands of the College, who 
happened also, just at this time, to have elected a more 
energetic set of officers. Things were now set on a better 
footing, and other reforms followed in 1876-78. The 
Organist was pensioned, the stipend of his successor, 
appointed in June 1876, was raised ; the real power and 
responsibility, which had hitherto been divided between 
Organist, Precentor, and the Provost himself, was 
definitely conferred on the Deans ; and, most important 
of all, a Choir School was built. The Statutes of 1862 
had ordered that the Choristers should be boarded and 
lodged, as well as taught, and the conviction had gradu- 
ally forced itself on the College, that the old system of 
recruiting the Choir from Cambridge boys of the lower 
classes produced a result which was not satisfactory 
either musically or morally. Accordingly a School 
House for a resident Master and sixteen boys was built, 
and ready for occupation in the autumn of 1878. For- 
tunately the finances of the College were still in a con- 
dition which justified a spirited policy, and no experi- 
ment has hitherto been more successful than this. The 
boys are drawn from a higher class than formerly, and 
come from all parts of England, and they receive a 
classical education, at very small cost to their parents, 
till their voices break, or till they are of an age to go to 
a public school. Besides the musical gain to the 
College, something is thus done towards restoring the 
advantages of a liberal education to a class which the 


Founder meant to benefit, but which is apt to be left 
behind in an age of unrestricted competition. 

Private liberality, a few years later, enabled the 
College to establish some Choral Scholarships, and 
volunteers from among the Undergraduates are also not 
unfrequently introduced into the Choir. This addition 
of an undergraduate element has at once strengthened 
and refined the singing, while it helps to give the 
Services a more devotional and less professional charac- 
ter. The result of all these reforms has been that the 
Musical Services of King's College Chapel are now 
reckoned as among the best in the kingdom. Much of 
this improvement is due to the ability and devotion of 
the present Organist ; something, also, to the fact that 
in 1888 about ^1400 was spent on the enlargement and 
improvement of the organ, -500 of this amount being 
the gift of the Fellows themselves. 

One other department must be mentioned in which 
the College showed considerable activity. The Duke 
of Cleveland's Commission in 1873 had inquired into 
the property of Colleges ; and it was understood that 
this would be followed by a second Commission for a 
further reform of their Statutes. At King's a Com- 
mittee was appointed on February 23, 1872, to suggest 
alterations which would be beneficial to the College. 
During the next five years there was much discussion, 
both in printed papers and at College meetings ; so 
that, when the Universities Act of 1877 was passed 
and the Commissioners appointed, the Society was 
ready with a scheme, and had practically made up its 
mind that Fellowships should be terminable and also 
tenable after marriage, the two points which had been 
stoutly resisted fifteen or twenty years earlier. A third 


point had also been partly conceded ; for in the spring 
of 1876 conferences had been held with representatives 
of Trinity College, St. John's College having declined 
to join in the proceedings, in order to fix the amount 
of the contribution to be made to the University and 
the principle on which it should be levied ; and the two 
Colleges had agreed that five per cent, of the distribut- 
able income should be paid as a tax, and another five 
per cent, applied in augmenting professorial stipends. 
The Colleges did not, indeed, bid high enough to satisfy 
the Parliamentary Commissioners ; nor did they hit 
upon the plan of Professorial Fellowships, which was 
afterwards adopted ; but these preliminary attempts at 
legislation had at least made the Fellows of King's 
familiar with the problems which the Statutes of 1882 
endeavoured to solve. 

Perhaps the most important result of the new code 
to the College is the greatly increased number of resi- 
dent Fellows. They had begun to grow when, as a 
consequence of the Code of 1861, Pensioners were 
slowly attracted to the College. But the possibility 
of marrying and of making either College or University 
work a life-long profession, carrying with it a Fellow- 
ship for life, has greatly accelerated the tendency. 
Those who are now the Seniors of the Society can 
recall a time when not more than seven or eight Fellows 
were in constant residence; and even of this number 
some appeared to have little or nothing to do. Now, 
there are at least twenty-five Fellows in residence, most 
of them fully employed either in College or University 
work, though perhaps not fully paid for their employ- 
ment. Agricultural depression has sadly diminished 
the College income ; and the increase in the tuition 


fees, though supplemented out of the College purse, 
does not provide stipends sufficient to console Tutors, 
Deans, and Lecturers for the loss of their dividends. 
Happily competent men have been forthcoming, willing 
to devote their best energies to College work without 
any regard to a stipend " of nicely calculated less or 

With this increase in the number of residents it is 
only natural that the College should exercise greater 
influence in the counsels of the University, and be well 
represented on the Boards and Syndicates ; and this 
has proved to be the case. The highly democratic 
nature of the College constitution introduced in 1861 
has probably helped to train successive generations of 
Kingsmen in the peculiarly English faculty of getting 
through business without any great waste of time or 
temper ; of seeing and keeping to the point ; and of 
expressing their opinions shortly and clearly. Yet it 
may be doubted whether even now King's has regained 
the place which it held in Elizabethan and even in 
Stuart times, when the great Foundation, which now 
eclipses its neighbours, had not yet reached its maturity, 
and some rivals had only just entered the field. 

At the present time the College list shews about 120 
Undergraduates and more than thirty Bachelors or 
Advanced Students in actual residence. With such a 
body of young students and with the increased staff of 
Fellows, it is hardly possible that the College should 
relapse into what was sometimes its old condition, that 
of a family party, comfortable, indeed, but inclined to 
be sleepy and self-indulgent, and not wholly free from 
family quarrels. 

But the problems of the next century will probably 


not bear much resemblance to those with which our 
predecessors were familiar. Or, if the foes are old, they 
will wear new faces. It remains to be seen whether 
the Kingsmen of the future will be equal to their 
opportunities ; whether they will have the insight to 
detect the dangers of their own days, and the faith and 
courage necessary to surmount them. 



DEAN PEACOCK, in his well-known book on the Statutes of the 
University published in 1841, maintains that the practice by which 
Kingsmen then received the B.A. degree without examination, 
rested on no authority ; but he does not explain how the abuse, for 
such he evidently considers it to be, crept in. 

The examination for the B.A. degree, in the fifteenth century, was 
of the following character. Students, after completing their quad- 
riennium and keeping two "responsions " and two " opponencies," 
became questionists, and were examined by the Proctors and others 
in the Schools during the week before Lent. Those who were 
approved were admitted "ad respondendum quaestioni"; and this 
" question," taken out of the Prior Analytics of Aristotle, was pro- 
posed in the Schools by the " Father " of each candidate. The 
questionist then became an " incepting bachelor " or " determiner." 
As such he was obliged " stare in quadragesima," and to determine 
one or more questions in a strictly logical form. This process lasted 
till the Thursday before Palm Sunday, when he became a com- 
plete B.A. 

No exemption seems to be contemplated in the original College 
Statutes of 1443. In the 26th Statute stress is laid on the necessity 
that a Scholar or Fellow should keep the full years required by the 
University. He is then to be examined by his College authorities, 
and if found fit by them, to become a B.A. (" statum baccalaureatus 
assumat.") So far there is nothing inconsistent with the custom by 
which the University accepted the College examination in lieu of its 
own. But the 27th Statute, which makes special provision for 
Scholars too poor to pay the expenses incidental to a B.A. degree, 
allows 135. qd. for those who are about "respondere ad quaes- 
tionem," and the same sum to those " determinaturis." And if this 
Statute could be interpreted as using the technical terms merely in 


order to fix the dates at which the fee should be paid, there is no 
such ambiguity about the 3ist Statute. This Statute orders that 
those who are about to " determine " in Arts must rehearse within 
the College, at least three times between October 9 and the first 
Sunday in Lent, the subject of their approaching disputation in the 
Schools (" disputabunt materiam quam proponunt disputare in 
Quadragesima proxima tune sequente.") 

It is hardly possible to resist the conclusion that the framers of 
these Statutes, and especially of the sist, intended Kingsmen to take 
their degrees in the usual way. 

A little later Henry VI. obtained Bulls from the Pope exempting 
his College from the jurisdiction of the Chancellor. After some 
demur the University, in 1448, granted a "Concession" to the 
College, admitting their separate jurisdiction. In this Concession, 
however, it is expressly stated that in matters which affect educa- 
tion ("propositum studii scholastic! "), viz., in hearing and giving 
lectures, in disputations and the obligation "respondendi ad quaes- 
tionem," &c., Kingsmen should obey the University Statutes like 
other Scholars. 

The final document, dealing with the question of jurisdiction, is 
the composition made between the University and King's College 
in 1456. In this it is provided that no member of King's, who 
is about to take any degree, shall be obliged to take any 
oath contrary to the Composition, " Sed quod aequa gaudeant 
libertate et capacitate quoad gradus et officia suscipienda sicut 
coeteri ejusdem Universitatis magistri et Scholares." In other 
words, the existence of a separate jurisdiction was not to be made an 
excuse for refusing a Kingsman his degree. But this document 
throws no fresh light on the question how a Kingsman became 
entitled to a B.A. degree. 

Matthew Stokys, Esquire Bedell, who wrote an account of 
University ceremonies in the sixteenth century, tells us that on Ash 
Wednesday the Bedells collected the "determiners," and brought 
them to St. Mary's Church before 8 A.M. " Last of all the Bedells 
shall fetche the Determiners of the Kyng's Colledgeunto St. Maryes 
Churche." That the members of King's College were fetched last, 
immediately before the Vice- Chancellor, was evidently a compli- 
ment ; but could they be called " determiners," merely because they 
had reached the standing of those who were actually going to 
" determine " on that day at St. Mary's ? 

All this evidence points in the same direction. Yet, on the other 
hand, there is the great improbability that the exemption would have 
been granted at any date later than the reign of Henry VI. The 


University, although they disliked surrendering the Chancellor's 
jurisdiction, were much gratified by the foundation of King's 
College. This appears both from their language in the " Conces- 
sion," and also from the precedence granted to Kingsmen. Their 
feelings of gratitude and loyalty may have induced them, in view of 
the ample provision made for education by the College, and in con- 
sideration of the fact that the previous training at Eton was a 
security that no one would be admitted to a King's Scholarship who 
had not acquired the rudiments of learning, to dispense with any 
further test in the case of Kingsmen ; but it is hardly conceivable 
that they should grant such a dispensation after Henry's deposition 
or death. Mr. J. W. Clark, whose judgment on s^uch a question is 
superior to that of any living writer, is of opinion that from such 
motives as these the University actually did allow the members of 
the newly founded College to receive the B.A. degree, without 
insisting on the usual requirements. 

The later history of the College throws no light on this question ; 
for the Latin Declamation, which Christopher Anstey in the 
eighteenth century was called upon to deliver in the Schools, was 
not one of the preliminaries for a B.A. degree, but an exercise for 
the M.A. degree, which had fallen into disuse, and which Dr. Paris, 
an energetic Vice-Chancellor, was attempting to enforce on 

Nor is much help to be got from the parallel case of New College ; 
for here, too, the facts are uncertain. The common account is that 
the Founder obtained a charter entitling his Fellows of New College 
to an examination in his own College, instead of one in the Uni- 
versity Schools, for their B.A. degree. The Statutes of New 
College, like our own, seem to contemplate no such privilege. One 
of them expressly forbids members of New College to supplicate for 
graces to shorten the time of residence ; and Mr. Rashdall, the 
historian of Oxford, thinks that this rule, which was really a 
restriction, gradually became an exemption ; i.e., that, being forbidden 
to apply for an indulgence which afterwards became universal, New 
College men eventually got their degrees without any application at 
all. This is, of course, only a conjecture ; what is certain is, that in 
1607 the right of the College to the privilege was challenged by the 
University, but confirmed by Archbishop Bancroft as Chancellor. 
At any rate Mr. Rashdall's explanation will not account for the 
exemption of Kingsmen. 

If the records of our own University had preserved the names 
and Colleges of those who in the fifteenth century performed the 
exercises for a B.A. degree, we should at least have known whether 


the Kingsmen of the earliest days enjoyed any exemption, even if 
the origin and justification of the exemption still remained obscure. 
It seems to be a case in which all the evidence is on one side, and all 
the probability on the other. For, besides the improbability of the 
privilege being granted at any date later than Henry's reign, it is 
difficult to believe that the same abuse crept in, owing to some 
different cause, at both Universities : whereas, if William of Wykeham 
had already secured the privilege for his Foundation, the example 
set by Oxford might not unnaturally be followed by Cambridge. 


This is a MS. book, containing a collection of College customs, 
some of which survived into the nineteenth century ; but the com- 
parative antiquity of the different customs can only be ascertained 
by internal evidence. In its present form the book seems to be a 
compilation made in the eighteenth century ; but much of it no 
doubt represents the practices of an earlier period. 

There are elaborate directions for a Freshman. It was the duty 
of the Junior Scholar to meet him on his arrival in Cambridge, to 
see that he was provided with a cap and gown, and to take him to 
the Provost with his Eton letter of introduction. The same scholar 
had to place him in a particular spot in Hall called " Stain Coat 
Hole," and under the organ loft in Chapel, and to see that he read 
the " Admission Statutes"; as well as to provide all things neces- 
sary for the ceremony of admission, including the presence of a 
public notary. 

While the bell tolled for his admission, the Freshman stood bare- 
headed under the " Parlour " window or outside the Provost's Lodge, 
till called in. Then he knelt down, read certain statutes and swore to 
obey them. Thereupon the Provost admitted him, but did not, as 
was the custom at the admission of a Fellow, give him the " osculum 
pacis " ; after which the Freshman, rising from his knees, addressed 
these words to the two' Senior Fellows present, " Oro vos (magis- 
tros vel doctores A.B.) ut testes sitis hujus meae admissionis," ; and 
turning to the notary he added, " et te require (C.) ut hanc meam 
admissionem in protocollum redigas." 

The Freshman was next placed in his chamber by the Provost 
and Vice-Provost ; after which he was put under the charge of his 
Chamber Fellow or Chum. The Chum now shared with the Senior 
Scholar the further initiation of the Freshman, attending him in and 


out of his chamber for a week or ten days, " lest he ignorantly alone 
should commit absurdities." During this period the Freshman 
" caps the Court and Chapel, goes to Hall and Chapel at the first 
ringing of the bell ; stands bare in the Hall at the upper end of the 
Scholars' table; reads Greek Testament to one of the Senior 
Scholars till taken off by the Steward or other Graduate Fellows 
with these words, ' Parce tyroni ' ; and writes out the Admission 
Statutes or Senior Scholar's Book during the week of his Freshman- 
ship." When the right time comes, he calls on each of the chief 
College officers with a letter containing the prayer " Oro me hoc 
tyrocinio liberes " ; and then he at once becomes "bibler" and 
reads lessons in Chapel, but he does not say Grace in Hall for a 
month after his admission. 

Even the older Scholars were obliged to visit the authorities with 
verses before 8 A.M., if they wished to go out of College, except to 
St. Mary's or to the Public Schools. Visits were also paid, on 
stated days, for "Dors," i.e., leave to [lie in bed the next morning, 
and for " Term out." Under this last head were included not only 
the absences during vacations, but also periods of holiday at the 
great Church Festivals ; e.g. , five days before and five after February 2, 
and ten days at Whitsuntide. 

The distinction between Fellows and Scholars was marked. The 
latter " stand not to talk with a Fellow in sight of a Senior or M.A. 
either in the Court, Cow Lane, or nave of the Chapel ; nor go into 
the town in sight of any one of them except he give leave." This 
last rule sounds like a reminiscence of " Shirking " at Eton. 

There were, however, occasions when the Seniors unbent a little. 
Such were " the four solemn beavers in the year, for the remem- 
brance of which there is a false verse, viz. : 

'Andreas, Thomas, Sanctorum, Nativitasque,' 

on the eves whereof the Fellows and Scholars meet at six o'clock in 
the Hall, when each having a 2d. of bread and beer they are to 
drink charity to each other ; on which eves as also on the said feast 
nights the Scholars keep Canonical hours in Hall and call them 
Crambo nights, from an old custom of playing then at Crambo," 

There was also a Bachelors' F.east in Hall on the first Tripos 
day ; when the Senior of the new Bachelors acted as steward and 
sat with his hood on ; and both he and the next to him had the 
right of asking two friends to dinner. On this occasion also those 
Bachelors who were not Fellows, even if they were Choristers, 
dined at the Bachelors' Mess. Yet the ordinary rules were not 
altogether discarded; for "they withdraw from the hall fire, as 



indeed all Fellow Commoners, even M.A., while Grace is saying 
before Meat, and leave the same to the person who comes up as 

Disputations were held in Chapel every week during term, except 
at the time of audit. Those for Bachelor and Questionists were on 
Wednesdays and Saturdays; those for M.A.s on Thursdays; notice 
of questions to be discussed being in all cases posted on the Hall 
screens three days before. During Lent there was no M.A. disputa- 
tion, and only one in each week for B.A.s. Nothing is said as to 
the disputations of the Scholars. 

The book contains many details as to the procedure for taking 
degrees within the College and in the University. For those who 
were not on the Foundation the number of times on which they 
must " oppose " and " respond " is specified, as well as the days and 
hours during which they must sit in the Senate House for examina- 
tion. It is added that they sit " uppermost of all Questionists, as 
belonging to King's College ; but if any of the Choir sit, whether 
Choristers or Singing Men, they are to take place of our Pensioners 
and poor Scholars as being on the Foundation. " Yet it appears that 
the precedence in presentation for degrees, which Kingsmen still 
enjoy, was then only granted to Fellows. Others members of the 
College were presented for admission according to the seniority of 
their Fathers. 


1441 William Millington.* 
1447 John Ched worth. 
1452 Robert Wodelarke. 
1479 Walter Field. 
1499 John Dogget. 
1501 John Argentine. 
1507 Richard Hatton. 
1509 Robert Hacomblene. 
1528 Edward Fox. 
1538 George Day.* 
1548 Sir John Cheke.* 

1553 Richard Atkinson. 
1556 Robert Brassie. 
1558 Philip Baker.* 
1569 Roger Goad. 
1610 Fogg Newton. 
1612 William Smythe. 
1615 Samuel Collins.* 
1644 Benjamin Whichcote.* 
1660 James Fleetwood.f 
1675 Sir Thomas Page. 
1681 John Coplestone.J 

* These Provosts were ejected, or else resigned to escape ejection, 
t Fleetwood vacated the Provostship on becoming Bishop of 
J Coplestone was the last Provost nominated by the Crown. 



1689 Charles Roderick. 
1712 John Adams. 
1719 Andrew Snape. 
1743 William George. 
1756 John Sumner. 

1772 William Cooke. 
1797 Humphrey Sumner. 
1814 George Thackeray. 
1850 Richard Okes. 
1889 Augustus Austen Leigh. 


William of Alnwick. 
1450 Marmaduke Lumley. 
1452 John Chedworth. 
1472 Thomas Rotherham. 
1480 John Russell. 
1495 William Smith. 
1514 Thomas Wolsey. 
1514 William Atwater. 
1521 John Longland. 
1547 Henry Holbeach. 
1552 John Taylor. 
1554 John White. 
1557 Thomas Watson. 
1560 Nicholas Bullingham. 
1571 Thomas Cooper. 
1584 William Wickham. 
1595 William Chaderton. 
1608 William Barlow. 
1614 Richard Neill. 
1617 George Montaigne. 

1621 John Williams. 

1642 Thomas Winniffe. 

1660 Robert Sanderson. 

1663 Benjamin Laney. 

1667 William Fuller. 

1675 Thomas Barlow. 

1692 Thomas Tenison. 

1695 James Gardiner. 

1705 William Wake. 

1716 Edmund Gibson. 

1723 Richard Reynolds. 

1744 John Thomas. 

1761 John Green. 

1779 Thomas Thurlow. 

1787 George Pretyman Tomline. 

1820 George Pelham. 

1827 John Kaye. 

1853 Jhn Jackson. 

1869 Christopher Wordsworth. 

1885 Edward King. 

D. NOTE TO P. 157 

It was not the first time that the appointment of Stephen Upman 
to the Provostship had been contemplated. Sir Thomas Page died 
in 1681, at the crisis of the Tory reaction which followed the rejec- 
tion of the Exclusion Bill ; and it seems that Charles II. had then 
chosen Upman as a representative of the policy at that moment 
triumphant. But Upman did not possess the necessary Divinity 
degree ; and the following letter, signed by Archbishop Sancroft and 
Bishop Compton, shows how this difficulty was to be surmounted. 


" In pursuance of your Mav Declaration, of the 21" of July Last* 
concerning Preferments in the Church and Universitys; We do 
humbly Certify our Opinions, that M r Stephen Upman, Master of 
Arts and Fellow of Eaton Colledge, is a Person for his Piety, 
Learning, and Prudence, well deserveing your Ma^ a Letter of Dis- 
pensation to your University of Cambridge, to admitt him to the 
Degree of D or in Divinity, in order to qualify him for your Ma tys 
Royall Favour in his Election to the Provostship of King's Colledge 
now voyd by the death of S r Thomas Page. 

W: CanU 
H: London." 

Aug. 13* 1681. 

Upman however was not appointed Provost. Probably Charles 
or his advisers came to the conclusion that it was safer to promote 
a man of less extreme opinions. 


ABBOT, Archbishop, 115, 116 

Abraham, Bishop, 256-257 

Academical dress, 11, 81, 83, 246 

Adams, Provost, 166-171 

Albi, 25, 26 

Aldrich, 36 

Alien Priories, 2, 3 

Alley, 85 

Alnwick, William of, 2 

Andrewes, Bishop, 92, 120 

Anne, Queen, 161 

Anstey, Chr., 211-214 

Appeals (see Visitor), 60, 69-71, 73, 

74, 77, 98, 99, 184-195, 233, 235- 

237, 261, 262, 275, 280 
Argentine, Provost, 35, 42 
Armstead, 289 
Ascham, A., 138, 139 
Atkinson, Provost, 54 
Audit Room, 6, 79, 288 
Austin, Richard, 135 

BAKER, Provost, 56, 60-62 

Balston, 268, 272 

Bard (Lord Bellamont), 125, 127 

Barnes, 259 

Barrett, 256 

Barton, 67, 68 

Barton, Elizabeth, 46 

Bates, Joah, 217-218 

Bath, 26, 213 

Bathing-, 63 

Batty, 164-166, 186, 187, 189 

Bearblock, 236 

Bennett, W. Sterndale, 247 

Bentley, 145, 162, 172, 173-175 

Best, 249 

Biggin, 23 

Bland, Henry, 175 

Bland, Robert, 195 

Blandford, Marquis of, 163 

Blythe, 42 

Bodley's Building, 18, 288 

Boleyn, Ann, 30, 46 

Bradshaw, 282-284 

Brady, 176 

Brandons, 86 

Brassie, Provost, 53 

Brick Building, 204 

Bridge, 127, 243 

Bridgewater, 59 

Briggs, Sampson, 125 

Broadchalke, 266 

Brocklebank, 289 

Bryan, John, 36, 37 

Bryan, Thomas, 208 

Buckden, 86, 103, 193 

Buckinghamshire, 9, 14, 139 

Buckhurst, Lord, 3, 67 

Bull Hotel, 43, 243, 286 

Buller, 253 

Bullingham, Bishop, 60 

Bulls, Papal, 13, 14 

Bumpsted, 260 

Burford, John, 180, 181, 192, 193, 210 

Butt Close, 112, 243 

Byam, 248 

CAIUS, Doctor, 4, 39, 55 

Calixtus, Pope, 31 

Cambridgeshire, 9, 130 

Campanile, 31, 32, 169 

Canning, Stratford, 227-229 

Catherine (Hall), 34, 287 

Cecil (Lord Burghley), 60, 67, 68-71, 


Cecil, Sir Robert, 76, 89 
Cemetery, 13 
Chapel (old), 4, 5, 24, 31 

altar, 30, 54, 109, 203 

bells, 81 

clock-house, 31, 243 

fabric, 17-25, 32 

gates, 243 

glass, 27-29, 32, 128-130, 261 


Chapel, lectern, 30, 203 

organ, 31, 110, 111, 261, 291 

pavement, 30, 203 

picture, 203 

rood-loft, 30, 110, 111 

roof, 261 

side chapels, 21, 25-27 

stalls, 30, 109, 154 

windows (See Glass) 
Chaplains (or Conducts), 5, 12, 42, 


Chaderton, Bishop, 74 
Chancellor, 13, 14, 15, 198, 217 
Chapman, 196 
Charles I., 115, 116, 140 
Charles II., 127, 142 
Cheke, Sir John (Provost), 39, 40, 


Chest Fund, 252 
Chetwynd, 286, 287 
Choristers, 5, 63, 65, 204, 289, 290 
Christ Church, 38, 46, 50 
Churton, 285 
Clare Hall, 4, 18, 97, 112, 113, 


Clement VII., 47 
Clerks, Lay, 5, 10, 12, 13, 112, 289, 


Clerks' Lodgings, 166, 202, 204 
Cloister, 17, 169, 170, 171 
Close, 19 

Coffee-houses, 198, 199 
Cole, 172, 173, 195, 205, 220 
Collins, Antony, 173, 174 
Collins, Baldwin, 97 
Collins, Samuel, 77, 94, 97-106, 114, 

130, 131 
Combination Room (see Parlour), 6, 


Cooke, Provost, 204-207, 222 
Cooke, William, 200 
Cooper, Bishop, 69 
Copleston, Provost, 156, 167 
Copyholds, 82, 233 
Corrie, Dr., 224, 274 
Cory's house, 251, 252, 285 
Cosin, 116, 118 
Cottenham, 88, 199 
Coton, 80, 233 
Cow Lane, 6 
Cowell, 114, 115 
Cox, 47, 48-50, 58, 143 
Cranmer, 39, 48, 51 
Craufurd, Sir G., 256 
Croke, 37-39 
Cromwell, Oliver, 127, 129, 130, 141, 

Crouch, 131, 154 

DALE, John, 181-187, 200 

Dallam, 110, 111 

Dampier, Henry, 232, 233 

Dampier, J. L., 262 

Dartmouth, Lord, 167, 168 (his son), 


Davidson, 259, 288 
Da vies, Scrope, 225 
Da vies, Sneyd, 196, 221 
Day, George, 39, 40, 85 
Day, William, 85 
Denton, 24 

Dividends, 149, 197, 234, 293 
Doughty, Gregory, 171 
Dowsing, 128, 129 
Draper, Sir W., 209-211 
Drury, Ben., 225, 239 
Drury, Harry, 232 
Dunning, 93 
Dupuis, H., 273 

EDWARD IV., 21, 22 

Edward VI., 40 

Elizabeth, Queen, 49, 55-59, 80, 87- 

89, 108, 235 
Ely, 44, 45, 130 
Ely, Reginald, 20, 22 
Emmanuel College, 86, 134, 265 
Erasmus, 36, 37, 46 
Essex, Earl of, 29, 89, 108 
Essex, James, 172, 203, 204 
Essington, 264 
Eton, 5, 8, 9, 14, 15, 17, 19, 50, 85, 

109, 115, 157, 161, 174, 175, 178, 

181, 201, 206, 213, 217, 235, 258, 

261, 267,279 
Evelyn, 132, 156 
Eyre, 125 


Farebrother, 125 

Feasts, 7, 10, 69, 153 

Fellow- Commoners, 65, 66, 172, 204 

Field, Provost, 22, 35 

Fines, 73, 80, 148, 232, 234 

Fisher, Bishop, 2, 34, 38, *46, 51 

Fleetwood, Charles, 199 

Fleetwood, James (Provost), 124, 153, 

154, 156 

Fleetwood, William, 161, 162, 199 
Fleming, 59, 88 
Fletcher, Giles, 70, 90, 107 
Fletcher, Phineas, 107, 108 
Flower, Barnard, 27 
Football, 63 
Foster, John, 220, 221 
Friar's Gate, 201 


Frith, 43, 47, 51, 52 
Fryer, 47 

GARDEN, 7, 83, 201-203, 260 

Gardiner, Thomas, 86 

Gascony wine, 7, 235 

Gearing-, 159 

George I., 162, 171, 176, 177 

Georg-elll., 239 

George, Provost, 196, 197 

Gibbons, O., 110 

Gibbs's Building, 167-173, 202, 204 

Glover, 52 

Glynn, 218, 219, 223 

Goad, Provost, 62, 63, 68-70, 73-84, 

93, 111 

Goad, Thomas, 102, 104, 114 
Godolphin, Lord, 163 
Goodall, 226, 268 
Goodford, 268 
Gouge, Thomas, 138 
Gouge, William, 137, 138 
Grafton, Duke of, 217, 221 
Grantchester, 80, 233, 259 
Gray, Thomas, 198, 213, 217, 219 
Green, 276-278 
Grey, Lady J., 40 
Grey, Richard, 56 
Griffin, 76, 78, 80, 83 
Guest, 85 

HACOMBLEN, Provost, 30, 216 

Hacket, 98, 103, 104 

Haddon, 40, 56, 58 

Hall (the College), 6, 9, 10, 171, 182, 

245, 252 
Hampole, 25 
Harding, 185, 189, 190 
Hare, 163, 173-175, 221 
Harington, 50, 72, 88-90 
Hartcliffe, 157, 158 
Harvey, 256 
Hatch, Cliffe,237 
Hatton, Provost, 35 
Hawkesmore, 169, 170 
Hawkins, 45 
Hawtrey, E. C., 267-270 
Hawtrey, John, 264 
Hedgeland, 253, 261 
Henry VI., 1-8, 13, 15, 21, 90, 172 
Henry VI.'s " Will", 17, 18, 26, 30 
Henry VII., 24, 25, 26, 27, 30 
Henry VIII., 25, 27, 41, 47, 48, 111 
Henry (sou of James I.), 89, 90 
Hibbert, 256, 257 
High Street, 18 
Hinde, 75, 77, 78, 79, 83, 147 
Hoadley, Bishop, 178, 179, 209 

Hodgson, 231, 232, 273 

Holland, Lord, 96, 101, 102, 105, 113 

Howard, 125 

Howgrave, 83, 84 

Huddleston, 19 

Hullier, 52 

Hungerford, 172 

Hunt, Richard, 135 

Hunt, William, 237 

Hyde, Lord Clarendon, 139, 140 

Isaacson, 256 

JAMES I,, 94, 96, 114-116 

James II., 138, 157, 168 

James, Charles, 275, 276 

James, Thomas, 216 

Jesus College, 144 

Johnson, Dr., 114, 140 

Johnson, W., 262, 263, 265, 267, 268, 

282, 284 
Jones, 200, 201 
Jurisdiction, 14, 15, 16 

KATHERINE (wife of Henry V.), It 

KatherineParr (wife of Henry VIIL), 


Kaye, Bishop, 248, 271, 273 
Keate, 268 
King, 26 
Kitchen, 6, 246, 252 

LAKYS, 70 

Lancaster, 106, 107 

Langton, 2, 4, 19 

Latimer, 44, 45 

Laud, 105, 111, 120, 2S6 

Laundress Yard, 71, 202 

Lawns, 201-203 

Layton, 158, 161 

Lectures, 9, 62, 63, 228, 231, 247, 

256, 287 

Leicester, Earl of, 59, 88, 89 
Library, 7, 62 
Lilesse, 70, 71 
Lincoln College, 22 
Lisle, 76-78, 83 
Littleton, 164 
Lloyd, 231 
Lodge, Provost's, 57, 169, 171, 203, 

204, 252 

Lonsdale, 229, 230 
Losse, 122-124 
Luther, 43, 45, 48 
Lytcott, 155 



MAUM, 91 

Manchester, Earl of, 128, 129 

Mansfield, Sir J., 232 

Marlborough, Duke of, 163, 174 

Mary I., 4 8, 53 

Mary II., 158 

Mary, Queen of Scots, 72, 88 

Master, Richard, 46 

Master, William, 57 

Maturiu, 246, 247 

Millington, Provost, 5, 14, 15 

Milton (Farm and Rectory), 131, 137, 

154, 194, 205 
Milton, John, 112, 142 
Molle, 132 
More, 39, 51 
Morell, 165, 166 
Mountagu, 115-121, 134 
Mulcaster, 91, 92 


New College, 110, 272 
Newmarket, 158, 163, 200 
Newton, Isaac, 146, 157, 164 
Newton, Provost, 94, 96, 97 
North, Roger, 198 
Northumberland, Duke of, 40 

ORES, Provost, 260, 269, 273-276, 

278, 289 

Oliver, Isaac, 94, 95 
Orde, Thomas, 215, 216 
Ossory, Lord, 156 
Oughtred, 142, 145-146 

PADDON, 205 

Page, Sir T. (Provost), 156 

Palmer (Lord Castlemaiue), 155, 156 

Parlour (see Combination Room), 6, 

71, 83, 152 
Parr, 193 
Patteson, 227, 271 
Pearson, 142-145 
Pensionary, 166 
Pensioners, 66, 284, 285 
Peterhouse, 172, 181, 259 
Pitt, Wm., 215, 216, 218, 238 
Plague, 19, 77 
Plays, 58, 84 
Pote, 249, 250 

Pratt (Lord Camden), 196, 214, 215 
Presbyterians, 128, 133, 138 
Prescot, 232 
Preston, 58 
Price, 153 
Puritans, 84, 85, 89, 116, 117, 137, 

138, 141, 144, 149 

QUEEN'S College, 15 

RAMSEY, Abbey, 27 

Randall, 217 

Raven, 79 

Raven, Wm., 125 

Rector (of King's College), 3, 5 

Rennell, George, 241, 242, 248, 249 

Rennell, Thomas, Sen., 238 

Rennell, Thomas, Jun., 227, 230, 231 

Reynolds, 157 

Reynolds, Bishop, 184-186, 187-194 

Richard III., 23, 24 

Rightwise, 58, 91 

Roderick, Provost, 158, 159, 160-164 

Roe, 96, 100, 101 

Rotherham, 21-23 

Ruislip, 148 

SACRIST, 152, 153 

Sampford Courtenay, 3, 67, 80 

Saunders, 75 

Saunders, Laurence, 52 

Scott, G. G., 20, 24, 30 

Scott, Sir G. G., 286 

Scott's Building, 286 

Servitors, 152 

Sheaf, 78, 79 

Simeon, 219, 222-224, 242, 244, 254, 

255, 257, 263 
Smythe, Provost, 94, 96 
Snape, Provost, 171, 178-195 
Stable, 7, 76, 243 
Stacey, 288 
Stanhope, 206 
Stanhope, Dean, 162, 221 
Staples, 177 
Statutes, 6, 7, 11-13, 16, 150, 151, 

183-185, 190, 192, 250, 278-280, 

291, 292 

St. Bertraud de Comminges, 30, 111 
St. John's College, 39, 41, 59, 266, 


St. John Zachary, 18, 19, 27 
St. Edward's, 18 
Sturgis, 187, 189, 190, 191 
Svaine, 125, 126 
Sumner, Archbishop, 226, 227 
Sumner, Humphrey (Provost), 224- 

226, 235, 238, 269 
Sumner, John (Provost), 201, 209, 

Sumptner, 47 

THACKERAY, Elias, 239, 244, 245 
Thackeray, George (Provost), 239- 

241, 260, 273 
Thackeray, Martin, 241-243 


Thackeray, Thomas, 196, 208, 209, 


Thefdale, 19 
Thicknesse, 217 
Thring, 267, 270, 272 
Toft Monks, 169 
Tomkins, John, 110 
Tomkyns, John, 262 
Tomline, Bishop, 233 
Townshend, Lord, 170, 176, 184 
Transubstantiatiou, 51, 120, 156 
Treasury, 6, 207 
Trinity College, 53, 56, 59, 130, 144, 

162, 289, 290, 292 

Trinity Hall, 4, 18, 56, 114, 131, 200 
Troy, 259 
Trivium, 9, 38, 92 
Tuckney, 134-136 

UDALL, 58 
Upman, 157 

VINCENT, 95, 96 

Vintner, 104 

Visitor and Visitations (see Appeals), 

60, 61, 71, 74-83, 98, 99, 100-105, 

151, 153, 270, 271, 273 


Wainflete, 7 

Walkern, 187 

Waller, 139-142 

Walpole, Horace, 88, 89, 198, 203, 

219, 220 
Walpole, Robert, 161, 170, 174-177, 

180, 196 

Warhara, 38, 46 

Warwick, Earl of, 1, 20 

Wase, 132 

Weaver, 109 

Weedon Pinckney, 122 

Weldon, 22, 25 

West, 44, 47 

Westcott, 287 

Whichcote, 129, 131, 133, 134-137, 

154, 159, 223 
White Horse Inn, 43, 243 
Wickham, Bishop, 71-73 
Wilberforce, Bishop, 227, 270, 271 
Wilder, 245 
William III., 158, 168 
Williams, Bishop, 98, 100-105, 151 
Williams, George, 257 
Williams, Rowland, 255, 262-267 


Wilkins's Building, 251-253, 257 
Wilkinson, 256 
Willymott, 165, 187-195 
Winterton, 100-106, 114 
Witt, 284 

Wodelarke, Provost, 20, 34 
Wolsey, 38, 46, 47 
Woodyere, 75, 76, 78, 80, 83 
Woolward, 60 
Woolrich, 22 
Wordsworth, 23 
Wotton, Sir Henry, 99, 143 
Wren, Sir Christopher, 169 
Wycliff, 43 

YORK, 19. 32, 110, 126 
Young, 221 

Printed by BALLANTVNE, HANSON & Co, 
London &* Edinburgh 

June 1899 






TIMES. "We are glad -to welcome the first two volumes of 
what promises to be an excellent series of College Histories. . . . 
Well printed, handy and convenient in form, and bound in the dark 
or light blue of either University, these small volumes have every- 
thing external in their favour. As to their matter, all are to be 
entrusted to competent men, who, if they follow in the steps of the 
first two writers, will produce records full of interest to everybody 
who cares for our old Universities." 

Universities of Oxford ana Cambridge 

"Two Series of Popular Histories of the Colleges 

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EACH volume will be written by some one officially connected 
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Each volume will be produced in crown octavo, in a good clear 
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volumes. The writers' names are given on the next page. 

Price 5s. net. per Volume 

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will be sent by the Publishers on receipt of published price together 
with postage. 



University . . . A. C. HAMILTON, M.A. 

Balliol . . . . H. W. CARLESS DAVIS, M.A. 

*Merton . . . . B. W. HENDERSON, M.A. 

Exeter . . . . W. K. STRIDE, M.A. 

Oriel ..... D. W. RANNIE, M.A. 

Queen's .... Rev. J. R. MAGRATH, D.D. 


* Lincoln .... Rev. ANDREW CLARK, M.A. 

*A11 Souls . . . C. GRANT ROBERTSON, M.A. 

Magdalen . . . Rev. H. A. WILSON, M.A. 

*Brasenose . . . J. BUCHAN. 

*Corpus Christi . Rev. T. FOWLER, D.D. 

Christ Church . . Rev. H. L. THOMPSON, M.A. 

*Trinity .... Rev. H. E. D. BLAKISTON, M.A. 

*St. John's . . . Rev. W. H. HDTTON, B.D. 

Jesus ..... E. G. HARDY, M.A. 

*Wadham. . . . J. WELLS, M.A. 

Pembroke . . . Rev. DOUGLAS MACLEANE,' M.A. 

Worcester . . . Rev. C. H. O. DANIEL, M.A. 

Hertford . . . . S. G. HAMILTON, M.A. 

Keble ..... D. J. MEDLEY, M.A. 

Peterhouse . . . Rev. T. A. WALKER, LL.D. 

Clare ..... J. R. WARDALE, M.A. 

Pembroke . . . W. S. HADLEY, M.A. 

Caius ..... J. VENN, Sc.D., F.R.S. 

Trinity Hall . . H. T. TREVOR JONES, M.A. 

*Corpus Christi . Rev. H. P. STOKES, LL.D. 

*King's .... Rev. A. AUSTEN LEIGH, M.A. 

*Queens' .... Rev. J. H. GRAY, M.A. 


Jesus ..... A. GRAY, M.A. 

Christ's . . . . J. PEILE, Litt.D. 

St. John's . . . J. BASS MULLINGER, M.A. 

Magdalene . . . W. A. GILL, M.A. 

Trinity .... Rev. A. H. F. BouGHEY,M.A.,and J. WILLIS 

Emmanuel . . . E. S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A. 

*Sidney . . . . G. M. EDWARDS, M.A. 

*Downing .... Rev. H. W. PETTIT STEVENS, M.A., LL.M. 

Selwyn .... Rev. A. L. BROWN, M.A. 
* Ready. 

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J. MAITLAND ANDERSON, Librarian, Registrar, a 
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University of Wales and its Constituent 


W. CADWALADR DAVIES, Standing Counsel of the 
University of Wales. 



Austen-Leigh, Augustus 
205 King's college